This thesis will take a closer look at the relatively new and multifaceted concept of Lusophony. It begins with a brief introduction to Portuguese colonial history and postcolonial development with a focus on the connection between Portuguese national identity, the colonial empire and today's Lusophone world. Subsequently, this thesis will present various conceptions of the colonial empire and the panorama of the transformations of colonial and anti-colonialist narratives through which Portuguese colonization and decolonization were justified. Among other things, this thesis aims to explore the topic of Lusophony in historical contexts, to examine the circumstances of this idea's origin and its development in Portugal, and, finally, to present some conceptualizations in the current academic context. Lastly, the main problems that Lusophony struggles with in the postcolonial context will be considered, specifically its relationship with the colonial past(s). Key-words: Lusophony, Post-Colonialism, Portuguese speaking community, Identity, Lusophone culture, Portuguese language

[pt] O presente trabalho acadêmico buscou analisar o pensamento e a proposta de reforma das sociedades muçulmanas feita pelo intelectual islâmico, Hassan al Banna. Estas se encontravam divididas e enfraquecidas por causa da ignorância em relação a sua própria religião, o Islam; e também pela dominação e influência do Ocidente, especificamente a Europa colonizadora. Abordamos a formação e a trajetória intelectual de al Banna, particularmente, sua experiência na organização conhecida por os Irmãos Muçulmanos ( al Ikhwan al Muslimin), o qual conta nos dias de hoje com milhões de membros ou simpatizantes e se estende pelo mundo muçulmano. / [en] This academic work seeks to analyze the thinking and the proposed reform of muslim societies made by the islamic intellectual, Hassan al-Banna. These were divided and weakened because of ignorance of their own religion, Islam; and also by the domination and influence of the West, specifically the colonizing Europe. Approach to training and intellectual history of al Banna, particularly his experience in the organization known as the Muslim Brotherhood (al Ikhwan al Muslimin), which counts nowadays with millions of members and supporters and extends worldwide Muslim.

La presente tesis tuvo como interés evidenciar la importancia de implementar un curso de Música en la Currícula Básica Escolar de los países latinoamericanos, con especial énfasis en el caso peruano. En orden de sustentar dicha relevancia se realizó una investigación bibliográfica significativa y se abordaron los temas de construcción identitaria, educación intercultural y educación musical, desde los cuales se pretendió abordar las problemáticas en torno a los rezagos coloniales, la naturaleza de la segregación social en los países latinos y la injerencia de las dinámicas sociales en la producción musical, haciendo referencia al contenido histórico que acompaña y hace sinergia con la música. Así también se evaluó el estado actual de la educación y sus bifurcaciones en educación intercultural y artística para así, poder evaluar la currícula de algunos países latinoamericanos y analizar las aproximaciones que se tienen a la música como necesidad imperativa de la educación regular. Por último, se sustenta la hipótesis del curso de música como una posibilidad decolonizadora, es decir como una herramienta que podría reducir las distancias entre los grupos occidentales hegemónicos dominantes y los tradicionales autóctonos. / The present thesis was interested in showcasing the importance of implementing a Music course in the Basic School Curriculum of Latin American countries, with special emphasis on the Peruvian case. In order to sustain its relevance, a significant bibliographic research was carried out and the issues of identity construction, intercultural education and music education were addressed, from which it was intended to target the problems around colonial backwardness, the nature of social segregation and the impact and influence of social dynamics in latin music production, making reference to the historical content that accompanies and synergizes with music. Thus, the current state of education and its bifurcations in intercultural and artistic education were also evaluated in order to analyze the curricula of some Latin American countries and their approaches to music as an imperative need of regular education. Finally, the hypothesis of the music course is supported as a decolonizing possibility, that is, as a tool that could reduce the distances between the dominant western hegemonic groups and the traditional autochthonous ones. / Trabajo de investigación

Appalachia, itself a difficult to resolutely define region, has undergone the economic forces of colonialism and industrializing capitalism which allow for an excellent case study to apply Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. No American region’s national conception is likely to have been as varied and often misrepresented as that of Appalachia. From the Revolutionary American State’s invention of early white settlers as the virtuous yeoman of the Republic to the modern perception of Appalachia as backwards, conservative, and drug-addled, shifting national economic conditions resulted in a constant invention of Appalachia in congruence. Whenever the people residing in Appalachia, whether Black, white, or indigenous, either failed to represent or directly challenged the interests of empire or profit, ideas and perceptions of the region subsequently shifted accordingly. Utilizing secondary sources which have attempted to paint an overarching narrative of the region and primary sources recounting contemporary individuals’ views on said region’s people, the broad arc of cultural hegemony’s construction in Appalachia is traced in this thesis. From Thomas Jefferson’s invention of the virtuous and integral small land holding settlers in the region to Theodore Roosevelt’s shifting of national consciousness away from Appalachian settlers and into the proverbial international settler frontier, tracing the ideas of state leaders within the American Republic and profit-focused interests allows for a general timeline of social invention to be traced. The constructed timeline insinuates that one thing remained certain throughout Appalachian history: constantly changing perceptions of the region almost directly followed changing economic and political agendas. Further, after an exploration of how Black and white Appalachians indeed presented a counter-hegemonic movement necessarily connected with the rest of the nation in the form of the Mine Wars, Appalachia as a proverbial helpless region apart is argued to be ultimately a false conception. In response to this conclusion, a responsibility arises for those with the power of narrative and cultural production. Meaning, as academics or scholars, those Antonio Gramsci deemed the intellectual base of any given economic class, conscious counter-narrative production steeped in consciousness of exploitation and class antagonisms becomes objectively necessary. In fact, this work concludes, without an intellectual counter to dominant minority economic interests, social invention of often exploited regions will and do continue unabashed and unopposed.

In 2016, An estimated 15,000 people representing 400 Indigenous Nations and non-indigenous allies gathered at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in solidarity against the Dakota Access Pipeline to protect Mni Sose, the Missouri River. They became known as the Water Protectors. This dissertation analyzes the response in environmental philosophy journals to the #noDAPL protest at Standing Rock. Even though the Stand at Standing Rock became one of the most important and monumental environmental protests of the last decade, neither Standing Rock nor the Water Protectors appear in environmental philosophy journals at all--not once. Why? I suggest a possible answer by exploring the Stand of the Water Protectors as a moment in a much longer continuous history of resistance to settler colonialism. Settler colonialism attempts to facilitate the erasure of Indigenous populations by colonial ones, in order to gain access to territory—to land. The omission of Standing Rock from environmental philosophy journals represents the ease with which environmental philosophy can become complicit in the project of settler colonial erasure and replacement through absence. Drawing on Indigenous land-based philosophies of kinship, Latin American decolonial philosophy, settler colonial theory, and frameworks of Indigenous environmental justice, I show how the geo-politics of colonialism have come to produce environmental injustice and planetary ruin. I work to break the silence on Standing Rock in environmental philosophy and allow the Water Protectors example to guide the project toward an environmental philosophy which centers colonialism and Indigenous resurgence as core concerns.

Despite the increasing numbers of criminalized women in Canada, the use of the Institutional Mother-Child Program (MCP) remains low (Brennan, 2014). It is well known in fields of Criminology, Criminal Justice, and Indigenous Studies, that Indigenous Peoples are overrepresented in Canadian prisons; they represent about five percent of the overall Canadian population, however Indigenous women make up forty percent of all incarcerated women (Miller, 2017). Incarcerated Indigenous women are often mothers of young children, come from poor backgrounds, have little education, and suffered abuse at some point during their lives (Monchalin, 2016). In this thesis, using Indigenous Feminisms (IF) (Suzack, 2010, 2015) and Penal Moderation (Loader, 2010; Snacken, 2015), I address the following research questions: How has the MCP policy evolved over time? How have the policy changes represented a (de)colonial approach to criminal justice policy? To answer these questions, I conducted a feminist critical discourse analysis (FCDA) of all the final versions of the Correctional Service of Canada’s MCP policy (CD 768).

No description available.

No description available.

Die Arbeit fragt nach den Kontinuitäten kolonialer bzw. imperialer im Deutschland der Zeit zwischen den Weltkriegen. Dabei werden stellvertretend zwei Fallbeispiele untersucht, die für traditionsreiche Expansionsrichtungen standen: die 'Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft' mit besonderem Fokus auf Afrika sowie dem 'Deutschen Ostbund' mit Fokus auf Ostmitteleuropa. Dabei erhellt die Studie die Möglichkeiten, aber besonders die politischen und gesellschaftlichen Grenzen dieser Verbände nach dem Ende des deutschen Kaiserreichs bis in weit den Faschismus hinein.:1. Einführung 3 1.1. Forschungslagen, Forschungsfragen 4 1.2. Zur Definition zentraler Begriffe 18 1.3. Methodisches 31 1.4. Quellen 42 2. Vergleichende Sozial- und Kulturgeschichte imperialer Verbände 45 2.1. Vom Kaiserreich zur frühen Weimarer Republik 45 2.1.1. DKG und DOV im deutschen Kaiserreich 45 2.1.2. Kriegszielpolitiken im Ersten Weltkrieg 52 2.1.3. Schock und Reorganisation nach dem Weltkrieg 57 2.1.4. Exkurs: Die imperiale Verbandslandschaft 96 2.2. Struktur der Verbände 109 2.2.1. Aufbau 109 2.2.2. Die Verbandsführungen 112 2.2.3. Mitgliederstruktur 121 2.2.4. Finanzierung 131 2.3. Schlaglichter auf ein vielfältiges Verbandsleben 136 2.3.1. Selbstverständnis(se) der Verbände 136 2.3.2. Ziel beider Verbände: der Siedlungskolonialismus 141 2.3.3. Frauenbilder und -beteiligung 170 2.3.4. Engagement (in) der Jugend 189 2.3.5. Engagement (in) der Arbeiterbewegung 201 2.3.6. Geselligkeit 205 2.3.7. Geschichts- und Erinnerungskultur 213 2.3.8. Bildungspolitik 222 2.3.9. Medien der Verbände 225 2.3.10. Der Blick auf die ehemals ‚Kolonialisierten‘ 234 2.4. Von der späten Weimarer Republik zum Faschismus 258 2.4.1. Status und Rolle der Verbände in der Weimarer Politik 258 2.4.2. Beide Verbände im Urteil zeitgenössischer Kritiken 284 2.4.3. Kritik der Verbände an und während der Weimarer Republik 292 2.4.4. Arrangieren mit dem neuen Regime 303 3. Ausblick und vergleichendes Fazit 323 3.1. Faschismus als Ende der Imperialität 323 3.2. Thesen und Forschungsperspektiven 330 4. Anhang 341 4.1. Verzeichnis der Tabellen 341 4.2. Verzeichnis der Abkürzungen 341 4.2.1. Allgemeine Abkürzungen 341 4.2.2. Abkürzungen von Archivalien und Periodika 342 4.3. Quellenverzeichnis 343 4.3.1. Archivalische Quellen 343 4.3.2. Zeitgenössische Publikationen 347 4.3.3. Edierte Dokumente 355 4.3.4. Amtliche Druckschriften & zeitgenössische Lexika 357 4.4. Literaturverzeichnis 358 4.5. Eigenständigkeitserklärung 410

James Leslie Mitchell's critique of modern society, a society which nurtured aggression, colonialism, religion, racism, and gender bias, was rooted in his background, experience and commitment. Being a revolutionary writer, he held progressive and visionary views, and claimed his works were propaganda, carrying messages to reshape society on ancient values and socialist principles. In his Scottish short stories (written under his pseudonym Lewis Grassie Gibbon) wives and daughters were neglected and ignored, yet forced to do menial tasks on the farm. Women in his English stories and novels were better situated and educated, taking an active role in their own development, showing determination to exercise free will and develop self-awareness, and encouraging others to emancipate themselves. A number of characters accepted atheism and Communism, and believed in Diffusionism wherein people were simple, cooperative, without malice. Undoubtedly, Mitchell/Gibbon's crowning achievement was A Scots Quair. Chris Guthrie embodied the qualities of his earlier heroines. She loved the soil but disliked the workings, preferred the accuracy of English words and deplored the crude talk of the farming communities; yet she was impelled to carry on as a farmer. Chris was married three times, widowed twice, separated once, had one son, and few friends; and lived in a croft, a manse and a boarding house. She abhorred war, favoured birth control, had a glimmering of the Golden Age, and exhibited the attitudes, beliefs and opinions of her creator. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)