The disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants constitutes one of the most crucial activities in a post-conflict peacebuilding context with important effects upon the wider transitional process from war to peace. The efficient implementation of DDR programmes can reassure belligerent parties of the possibility of a permanent cessation of hostilities, as they are often the most visible element of the peace agreement. Moreover, a well-planned and flexible reintegration process can also promote the viability of long-term peace locally, nationally and internationally.1 Since the end of the Cold War, DDR initiatives have been undertaken in more than 25 war-to-peace transition contexts: Afghanistan, Aceh, Angola, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Cambodia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), El Salvador, Eritrea, East Timor, Ethiopia, Guatemala, Haiti, Ivory Coast, Kosovo, Liberia, Mindanao, Mozambique, Nicaragua, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Tajikistan and Uganda. In 2007, over 1,129,000 combatants were taking part in DDR programmes in 20 countries at an estimated cost of US$ 2 billion; one estimate suggests that it worked out to be around US$1,686 per ex-combatant. Some 2/3 of former combatants were from African countries; 42% were members of the armed forces and 58% belonged to armed militias, guerrilla groups and paramilitary groups. Of this statistic, nearly 10% were child soldiers.

This working paper explores reinsertion and reintegration processes and how these connect (or are expected to connect) with donor-led strategies for post-conflict reconstruction and long-term development. DDR has long been recognised as essential for post-conflict stability, but in the 2000s, there has been emphasis on enhancing the linkages between short-term, time-bound DDR process and long-term reconstruction and development programmes and processes in post-conflict states. The importance of situating reintegration into the wider context of long-term development has been stressed by the UN, whose best practice guidelines emphasise that reintegration should: 'support a broader national strategic plan for reconciliation, reconstruction and development.' This does not suggest a restructuring of DDR activities, which aim to establish an environment conducive to long-term economic development rather than fostering long-term development, but a bridging of short- and long-term agendas.

Liberia emerged from 14 years of brutal civil conflict, demobilized and “reintegrated” large numbers of ex-combatants, but there are still concerns about ex-combatants’ re-engagement in violence. Yet, adequate knowledge and empirical evidence about this are still sketchy. Qualitative fieldwork among ex-combatants conducted in five locations in Monrovia from 2012-2013, suggests that ex-combatants are re-marginalized. This research presents excombatants’ current status, their re-marginalization, and factors indicative of their re-engagement in violence in post-conflict Liberia. The study contends that ex-combatants were apparently not satisfied with the outcome of the DDRR programme, as it failed to reintegrate them successfully. The study developed a four dimensional analytical framework that includes, (a) re-marginalization (b) re-criminalization (c) exploitation, and (d) economic insecurity, which are then applied to the outcome of the reintegration of ex-combatants in Liberia. On the basis of the data collected in fieldwork, the analytical framework reveals how these factors and dynamics interacted and facilitated the occurrence of violence. The study argues that an awareness of ex-combatants’ vulnerability and re-marginalization should put state actors in a position to better predict their violent inclinations. It further notes that ex-combatant re-engagement in violence is largely manifested at the political and economic levels and this has the potential to lead to a renewed conflict if not mitigated. This study by no means completes the tasks of research and analysis on violence and excombatants, but it outlines theoretical propositions and conclusions, which can hopefully spark further debate and collective efforts among researchers to push this field of study forward.

yes / Much has been written about the high rates of rape and other forms of violence against ‘enemy’ women in wartime, and sustained violences against women in post-war contexts. Research on violence against women, recognised as a problem for peace and development and even a threat to international security, has begun to identify and explain contrasts between different locations. The explanations focus on men, their behaviour and ‘masculinities’, some of which, and even some military codes, may even proscribe such violence. By contrast, research on the mental health of male former combatants, and possibly other male survivors of war trauma, suggests that there is a strong risk of them perpetrating violence specifically against women, even in cases where the highest standard of veteran care is expected, but without much explanation. This article considers what potential there is in this topic for lessons in peacebuilding policy and identifies areas for future research.

This thesis investigates media representations of female ex-combatants in ideologically polarized countries, looking to the case of Colombia. It employs a theoretical framework grounded in gender and framing theory, exploring how the dimensions time perspective, invisibilization, dehumanization, irrationality, victimization, and tone shape portrayals of female ex-combatants. A quantitative content analysis is performed on the three newspapers El Espectador, El Tiempo, and El Nuevo Siglo, to compare the relative frequency of these dimensions across newspapers of different ideological orientations. The results show that left-leaning media is more likely to portray female ex-combatants in an active manner through direct quotes, humanization, and rational portrayals, whereas right-leaning media are more likely to engage in invisibilization and passive portrayals. While these results confirm a tendency to invisibilize female combatants, the limited presence of dehumanization and irrationalization indicate a reduction of explicit negative bias. The findings suggest that in ideologically polarized countries, opposition to gender-sensitive peace processes can diminish gradually, which underscores the importance of sustained efforts for inclusivity.

No / Demilitarization of conflict and society is crucial to building sustainable peace in countries emerging from the scourge of civil war. As longstanding conflicts come to an end, processes which facilitate the potentially volatile transition from formal peace to social peace are critically important. At the heart of the exercise is the necessity of transforming the culture and the instruments of war - demilitarization - including disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating (DDR) former combatants into society. This volume represents the first in-depth and comprehensive discussion of reintegration of former combatants in war to peace transitions. In addition to a systematic reflection and review of existing literature on DDR, the authors devised and applied a field research methodology to studying the reintegration of former combatants in Angola with potentially significant implications on the design and implementation of DDR programmes. The volume is written for academics, students and practitioners focusing on war to peace transitions and post-conflict issues.

Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre pourquoi et comment les rébellions touarègues du Niger se forment, se pérennisent et réapparaissent malgré une efficacité marginale dans l’accomplissement de leurs buts politiques. L’analyse des mobilisations est fondée sur une approche sociohistorique qui en montre les tendances longues et permet de resituer les facteurs de déclenchement des mouvements récents. On voit apparaître une porosité entre les temps de guerre et de paix qui permet au rebelle de conserver un statut et à la rébellion d’évoluer sous l’effet conjugué des influences extérieures et de la créativité politique de ses acteurs. Au-delà de la temporalité du conflit s’est développé un répertoire culturel qu’on peut définir comme une culture politique rebelle. On montre d’abord qu’il existe depuis les premières rencontres avec la France une histoire de résistance qui s’inscrit dans un cadre politique plus complexe que généralement décrit et installe durablement une représentation du combattant. On voit ensuite que ces processus se réalisent dans la rébellion des années 1990, qui a mobilisé des combattants aux parcours sociologiques divers favorisant l’émergence de son influence après les accords de paix. Enfin, la rébellion et les rebelles en tant qu’acteurs politiques se pérennisent dans une culture politique, qui est renforcée par la voix de la diaspora et enfin par le monde occidental, dans un jeu de miroir constant et éminemment productif. Ce travail privilégie une « approche par le bas » qui situe les rebelles au centre des analyses. Au-delà du cas nigérien, cette approche critique les analyses unidimensionnelles des conflits dominantes dans le monde académique et les institutions du développement. / This work aims at understanding why and how Tuareg rebellions in Niger form, last and reappear although they have proven only marginally efficient at reaching their political goals. The analysis of the mobilizations is based on a sociohistorical approach, which shows their trends in the long-term and allows us to reconsider the start factors of the most recent movements. One can see a porosity appear between times of war and peace, which allows the Rebel to retain his status and lets the rebellion evolve under the influence of both outsiders and the political creativity of its actors. Beyond the conflict’s timeframe, a cultural repertoire has developed, that might be defined as a political culture. I show first that since their first encounter with the French the Tuaregs have had a history of resistance included in a political frame much more complex than usually described. This history has also contributed to establish a representation of the combatant. Then one will see that those processes find a realization in the rebellion of the 1990’s. By mobilizing combatants with very diverse backgrounds, this rebellion has built a sustainable influence after the peace agreements. Lastly, the rebellion and the rebels as political actors last as a political culture reinforced by the voices of the diaspora as well as the Western World, through a highly productive mirror effect. This work favors an approach “from below”, putting the rebels at the center of the analysis. Beyond the case of Niger, this approach criticizes the one-dimensional analysis that dominates academic research as well as the institutions of economic development.

In the last decade the fight against terrorism was carried out not only by measures indicated in national criminal procedure laws or international treaties outlining measures in the fight against terrorism, but also using military forces and carrying out military measures. Thus the dissertation aims to establish when and to what extent is the international humanitarian law (hereinafter – IHL) applied in the fight against terrorism, that is, to analyze in what cases the fight against terrorism amounts to armed conflict, what is the status of terrorists taking part in the armed conflict according to IHL, and to evaluate in the light of IHL principles and rules the specific measures taken against terrorists. Firstly the dissertation analyses the question of the definition of terrorism and proposes a possible definition of this phenomenon. Further on the dissertation analyzes the instances when the IHL rules are applied in the fight against terrorism, that is, when such situation amounts to an armed conflict, and evaluates the main criteria of armed conflict – intensity and organization – and their application in the fight against terrorism. The dissertation also explores the questions of the status of terrorists taking part in an armed conflict, distinguishing those taking part in international and non-international armed conflicts, and exploring the criteria for the direct participation in hostilities for such persons. Finally, the dissertation analyzes the specific measure of... [to full text] / Pastaraisiais dešimtmečiais kovą su terorizmu pradėta vykdyti ne tik pasitelkiant nacionaliniuose baudžiamojo proceso įstatymuose ar tarptautinėse sutartyse, skirtose kovai su terorizmu, numatytas priemones, tačiau ir naudojant karines pajėgas bei atliekant karinius veiksmus. Taigi disertacijoje iškeliamas tikslas nustatyti, kada ir kokiu mastu taikoma tarptautinė humanitarinė teisė (toliau – THT) kovoje su terorizmu, tai yra, ištirti, kokiais atvejais kova su terorizmu laikytina ginkluotu konfliktu, koks yra teroristų, dalyvaujančių ginkluotame konflikte, statusas pagal THT ir atsižvelgiant į THT normas įvertinti specifines kovos priemones, naudojamas kovojant su teroristais. Pirmiausiai disertacijoje analizuojamas terorizmo apibrėžimo klausimas ir pateikiamas galimas terorizmo apibrėžimas. Toliau disertacijoje vertinama, kuriais atvejais kovojant su terorizmu bus taikomos THT normos, tai yra, kada kova su terorizmu prilygsta ginkluotam konfliktui, tiriami ginkluoto konflikto intensyvumo ir organizuotumo kriterijai ir jų taikymas kovos su terorizmu situacijose. Disertacijoje taip pat tiriama, koks yra teroristų, dalyvaujančių ginkluotame konflikte, statusas pagal THT, išskiriant tarptautiniuose ir netarptautiniuose ginkluotuose konfliktuose dalyvaujančius asmenis, taip pat išsamiai išanalizuojant asmenų tiesioginio dalyvavimo ginkluotame konflikte kriterijus. Galiausiai disertacijoje tiriama specifinė kovos su terorizmu priemonė – tikslinių nužudymų, ypač naudojant... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Pastaraisiais dešimtmečiais kovą su terorizmu pradėta vykdyti ne tik pasitelkiant nacionaliniuose baudžiamojo proceso įstatymuose ar tarptautinėse sutartyse, skirtose kovai su terorizmu, numatytas priemones, tačiau ir naudojant karines pajėgas bei atliekant karinius veiksmus. Taigi disertacijoje iškeliamas tikslas nustatyti, kada ir kokiu mastu taikoma tarptautinė humanitarinė teisė (toliau – THT) kovoje su terorizmu, tai yra, ištirti, kokiais atvejais kova su terorizmu laikytina ginkluotu konfliktu, koks yra teroristų, dalyvaujančių ginkluotame konflikte, statusas pagal THT ir atsižvelgiant į THT normas įvertinti specifines kovos priemones, naudojamas kovojant su teroristais. Pirmiausiai disertacijoje analizuojamas terorizmo apibrėžimo klausimas ir pateikiamas galimas terorizmo apibrėžimas. Toliau disertacijoje vertinama, kuriais atvejais kovojant su terorizmu bus taikomos THT normos, tai yra, kada kova su terorizmu prilygsta ginkluotam konfliktui, tiriami ginkluoto konflikto intensyvumo ir organizuotumo kriterijai ir jų taikymas kovos su terorizmu situacijose. Disertacijoje taip pat tiriama, koks yra teroristų, dalyvaujančių ginkluotame konflikte, statusas pagal THT, išskiriant tarptautiniuose ir netarptautiniuose ginkluotuose konfliktuose dalyvaujančius asmenis, taip pat išsamiai išanalizuojant asmenų tiesioginio dalyvavimo ginkluotame konflikte kriterijus. Galiausiai disertacijoje tiriama specifinė kovos su terorizmu priemonė – tikslinių nužudymų, ypač naudojant... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In the last decade the fight against terrorism was carried out not only by measures indicated in national criminal procedure laws or international treaties outlining measures in the fight against terrorism, but also using military forces and carrying out military measures. Thus the dissertation aims to establish when and to what extent is the international humanitarian law (hereinafter – IHL) applied in the fight against terrorism, that is, to analyze in what cases the fight against terrorism amounts to armed conflict, what is the status of terrorists taking part in the armed conflict according to IHL, and to evaluate in the light of IHL principles and rules the specific measures taken against terrorists. Firstly the dissertation analyses the question of the definition of terrorism and proposes a possible definition of this phenomenon. Further on the dissertation analyzes the instances when the IHL rules are applied in the fight against terrorism, that is, when such situation amounts to an armed conflict, and evaluates the main criteria of armed conflict – intensity and organization – and their application in the fight against terrorism. The dissertation also explores the questions of the status of terrorists taking part in an armed conflict, distinguishing those taking part in international and non-international armed conflicts, and exploring the criteria for the direct participation in hostilities for such persons. Finally, the dissertation analyzes the specific measure of... [to full text]

This study examines the current socio-economic status of the ex-combatants 10 years after the conflict in Sierra Leone. It examines the job opportunities, political space, relationship with community members, challenges faced, social networks involved in, relationship with former colleagues, access to land and other issues that are significant in the reintegration process of ex-combatants. It further studies the national socio-economic environment and how ex-combatants are faring in the overall post-war recovery process in Sierra Leone. Special focus lies on the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration of Ex-Combatants (DDR) programme which was part of the Lome Peace Agreement signed in 1999. The study also comes up with recommendations as to how the challenges currently faced by ex-combatants could be overcome.