Abstract The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Act 108 of 1996, demands a fundamental reassessment and transformation of the nature and style of policing in South Africa, from denying the human rights of the majority of South Africans during the ‘apartheid era’ to gaining the trust and respect of all. This includes changing the basic assumptions of individual police officers with regards to the organisation and its environment. Based on the comments of a representative sample (1 168) of newcomers to the South African Police Service (SAPS) during the 2005 calendar year, this article explores the impact that the SAPS basic training institutes have in changing the attitudes of new recruits that conform to deviant themes in police culture. The research found significant evidence that most of the SAPS basic training institutes, excluding the Bisho SAPS Basic Training Institute, only served to either maintain or strengthen newcomers’ attitudes in support of police culture solidarity, isolation and cynicism.

This dissertation consists of three essays on information aggregation in committees and its application. The first essay analyzes how the distribution of votes affects the accuracy of group decisions. In a weighted voting system, votes are typically assigned based on the criteria that are unrelated to the voters’ ability to make a correct judgment. I introduce an information aggregation model in which voters are identical except for voting shares. If the information is free, the optimal weight distribution is equal weighting. When acquiring information is costly, by contrast, I show that the accuracy of group decisions may be higher under some weighted majority rules than under unweighted majority rule. I characterize the equilibrium and find the optimal weight distribution to maximize the accuracy of group decisions. Asymmetric weight distributions may be optimal when the cost of improving signal is moderately high. The second essay analyzes how intergenerational family transfers can be sustained. Why are generous transfers from the younger to the older generations made in some families and not in others? My paper argues that differences in intergenerational dependence are due to variation in community networks. My analysis of the sustainability of intergenerational transfers posits game theoretical models of overlapping generations in which breadwinners make transfers to their parents and children. A novel feature of my models is that there is a local community that may supply information about its members past behaviors. I demonstrate that an efficient level of intergenerational transfers can be sustained if neighbors gossip about each other. The third essay, co-authored with Fuhito Kojima, investigates a jury decision when hung juries and retrials are possible. When jurors in subsequent trials know that previous trials resulted in hung juries, informative voting can be an equilibrium if and only if the accuracy of signals for innocence and guilt are exactly identical. Moreover, if jurors are informed of numerical split of votes in previous trials, informative voting is not an equilibrium regardless of signal accuracy. / Government

The theoretical framework of this thesis bases itself essentially upon the respective works of Arendt Lijphart and Karl Deutsch, who have studied how societal cleavages and social communication interact with each other. The present thesis's main focus is the Quebec/English Canadian duality. It uses quantitative analysis to study and compare pan-Canadian reactions to the Allaire Report that was issued by the Quebec Liberal Party in early 1991. The purpose is to try and find out whether the Allaire Report and the proposals it contains have had a divisive effect on Canadian society, and if so, to what extent. The data consists of all issues of the following newspapers over a period of time of exactly one month, from the 22nd of January and the 22nd of February, 1991 : the Calgary Herald, the Chronicle Herald, the Globe and Mail, Le Devoir, the Montreal Gazette, the Vancouver Sun and the Winnipeg Free Press. The analysis bases itself upon (1) the space that each newspaper devotes to the issue (2) the tone and content of the headlines and (3) the frequencies of appearance of certain selected words. Quantitative analysis shows that the gap between Quebec and English Canada is becoming wider. Quebec clearly overestimates English Canada's fragile degree of homogeneity, while English Canada, by increasingly identifying itself to the so-called "rest of Canada", paradoxically acts as if Quebec were the glue that holds the whole country together.

Between the years 1910-1916, the Vancouver Medical Association was responsible for designing a sex education program for the British Columbia Public School System. Through the course of the committee's work, the Vancouver Medical Association Sex Hygiene Committee (VMASHC) familiarised themselves with the teachings of the Sex Hygiene movement. The program which they recommend for implementation can be seen as representative of the second stage of North American sex education which advocated the teaching of sex education from the standpoint of biology. The VMASHC can be seen as a pioneer in the effort to teach sex education within Canadian schooling. Considerable time is spent contextualizing and explaining the impetus for the creating the first sex education program in British Columbia. The historical conditions and constraints involved in the birth of sex education are considered. It is argued that the social and political climate of early Vancouver played a direct role in influencing the VMASHC's final creation of what they called "a new line" of sex education in B.C.

The United States emerged from the Second World War determined to play a leading role in the maintenance of international order. Increasing levels of tension between the United States and the forces of communism after 1945, however, slowly forced a redefinition of what might be more distinctly termed America's "global" responsibilities, such that by 1961 John F. Kennedy declared that the United States would "pay any price. . .in order to assure the survival and success of liberty." An identifiable Cold War consensus took shape based on the assumption that it was America's responsibility to lead, protect, and defend, the "free-world." Since America was effectively waging a battle to ensure the successful spread of its own values, the Cold War consensus also served to severely limit debate—dissent essentially implied disloyalty. By the mid-1960s, however, the Cold War consensus began to crack and a debate over American foreign policy began to emerge. That debate is the focus of this dissertation, which looks at the opposition to Cold War policies which emerged in the Senate, most notably among the members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee --many of whom had once played a role in developing the very foreign policies they now protested. The war in Vietnam provided the focal point for much of the dissent, but the foreign aid program also became heavily criticized, as did America's NATO policy, particularly the size of the American military presence in Europe. More important, however, Senate dissenters came to question the United States' very position as the principle defender of the free world. They did not dispute the idea that America had a significant role to play in the global arena, but they did not believe that role should consist of being the world's policeman, the self-appointed arbiter of other’s affairs, and the keeper of the status quo. Because of their views, the so-called dissenters were labelled as "neo-isolationists." They saw themselves the true "internationalists," however, believing that the Cold War had led to confusion between internationalism and indiscriminate global involvement.

Darbe nagrinėjamas komitologijos sistemos veikimas, analizuojami komitologija reglamentuojantys teisės aktai, komitologijos sprendimu priėmimo mechanizmai. Komitologijos komitetai atribojami nuo kitų Europos Sąjungos komitetų ir išskiriami komitetai, įtakojantys Europos Sąjungos muitų politiką. Taip pat apžvelgiamas Lietuvos atstovavimas komitologijos komitetuose ir komitologijos komitetų veiklos ateities perspektyvos. Komitologijos sistema yra grindžiama Europos Bendrijos steigimo sutarties 202 straipsniu, kuris numato, kad Taryba, priimdama teisės aktus, suteikia Komisijai įgaliojimus įgyvendinti jos nustatytas taisykles, tačiau tokiems įgaliojimams vykdyti Taryba gali nustatyti tam tikrus reikalavimus. Minėti reikalavimai ir sudaro komitologijos teisinį pagrindą: šalys narės komitologijos komitetuose prižiūri, kaip Komisija įgyvendina Tarybos ir Parlamento nustatytas taisykles. / The operation of the system of comitology is researched in the Paper. Its legal basis and decision making procedure are analyzed, comitology committees are distinguished from the rest of the committees of the Union and stress is laid upon the the ones, having the major influence on the Union’s Customs Policy. Likewise, a review of Lithuanian representation in the comitology committees is delivered and the future perspectives of these committees are anticipated. Comitology system is based on Art. 202 of the EC Treaty, providing that the Council in the legislative process shall confer on the Commission, in the acts which the Council adopts, powers for the implementation of the rules which the Council lays down. These rules constitute the legal basis for comitology: through the comitology committees Member States are supervising the way Commission is implementing the rules laid down by the Council and the Parliament. The very first comitology committees were established in 1962. They operated in the field of agriculture and adopted decisions under the management procedure. In 1968 comitology committees, with the power to adopt decisions under regulation procedure were established in the areas of customs and (later) agriculture. It is noteworthy, that the year of 1968 was not an accidental one for establishment of comitology committees conferred with the power to make decisions under the regulation procedure in the field of customs. It was the year of 1968 that the Customs Union... [to full text]

NGOs gelten als wichtige Akteure, um die Belange der Zivilgesellschaft auch auf internationaler Ebene zu repräsentieren. Die UNESCO hat ihr Potenzial bereits frühzeitig erkannt und bietet ihren Partner-NGOs verschiedene Wege der Einflussnahme. Mit der neuen NGO-Richtlinie von 2011 haben neben internationalen NGOs auch lokale und regionale nichtstaatliche Organisationen die Möglichkeit, einen Konsultativ- oder Assoziativstatus mit der UNESCO einzugehen und dementsprechend ihre Interessen in den verschiedensten Organen der UNESCO einzubringen. Jedoch wird die Zusammenarbeit im Rahmen der UNESCO durch bestimmte Faktoren, wie der Finanzlage der UNESCO, eingeschränkt. Insbesondere im Arbeitsalltag der UNESCO zeigt sich, dass NGOs ihre zugesprochenen Einflussmöglichkeiten aufgrund der starken Rolle der Mitgliedstaaten nicht immer einlösen können. Die Bildungsinitiative Education for All verdeutlicht die herausragende Arbeit von NGOs, um internationale Zielvorgaben zu erreichen, sowie die unterstützende Rolle der UNESCO. Allerdings begründet sich der starke Einfluss der NGOs vor allem auf deren Eigeninitiative. Aufgrund ihrer begrenzten Ressourcen ist die UNESCO abhängig von ihren nichtstaatlichen Partnern. Nur wenn die UNESCO weiterhin auf eine verstärkte NGO-Partnerschaft setzt, können UNESCO-Programme auch langfristig erfolgreich umgesetzt werden. Die Avantgarde-Stellung der UNESCO bezüglich der NGO-Zusammenarbeit ist kein Selbstzweck, sondern sichert die Zukunft der UNESCO.

Based on nineteen months of ethnographic field research in Israel/Palestine (including participant observation and in-depth interviews), this study presents an analysis of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolition (ICAHD). First formed in 1997, it is a coalition of social movement organizations (SMOs) in the Israeli radical left peace and human rights movement. This project traces significant organizational, and wider movement, dynamics from the time of ICAHD's inception until the outbreak of the second Palestinian Intifada in September 2000. / While countless scholars investigate historical and contemporary aspects of the political conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, relatively little research attention is directed towards the efforts of Israeli and Palestinian activists towards conflict resolution. Following a brief description of the development of the Israeli peace movement, this study identifies and analyzes several mobilization issues relevant to organized activist forces in the Israeli radical movement in the final years of the Oslo peace process. / Building on recent collective action theories, this dissertation endorses analytical openness to the structuralist, rationalist, and culturalist dynamics of contentious politics. ICAHD members, as well as its organizational constituencies, are characterized by wide ideological and strategic heterogeneity, and in the first three years of its existence, this informal movement organization faced several overlapping strategic dilemmas. Investigating the historical and day-to-day dynamics of the committee, this study analyses various factors that influenced the strategic choices individual, and teams of, activists made during multiple types of mobilizations. By examining the impact of ICAHD's constituencies on how core leaders and activists engaged with dilemmas of organizational structure, strategic vision, inter-organizational alliances, mobilizing and funding opportunities, and overall goal selection, this dissertation identifies mechanisms (structural, organizational and cultural) that affected strategic decisions regarding mobilization, and outcomes of contentious politics. / The study concludes with a discussion of the relevance of its findings for the sociological study of collective protest. It suggests the extension of future research on these themes in more transnational and macro-theoretical directions.

The Pentagon career of Charles E. Wilson, President Dwight D. Eisenhower's Secretary of Defense from 1953-1957, is a neglected, yet important, field of study for studentsof the Eisenhower Presidency. Therefore, a study of Wilson's controversial tenure as Secretary of Defense is necessary for at least three reasons. First, Wilson served as Secretary of Defense for four and a half years, more than twice as long as any of his predecessors. Only Robert McNamara, who administered the Defense Department from 1961-1967, served longer than Wilson as the chief Pentagon official. Furthermore, Wilson became the Defense Department's civilian leader at a time when the agency was in its infancy.. His longevity as Secretary of Defense enabled him to make a significant impact upon the government's largest operation.Second, Wilson left a considerable store of personal papers, which are conveniently arranged at Anderson College in Anderson, Indiana. A serious examination of those materials gives one an additional measure of insight into the workings and concern of the Eisenhower Administration.Third, Wilson deserves study because he was a major figure in an important Administration. He has, however, been overlooked by virtually every chronicler of the Eisenhower Presidency. The prevailing view of Wilson maintains that he was an able administrator in the automobile industry, but woefully miscast as a political figure. That interpretation may not be totally wrong, but it is incomplete.More significantly, a study of Wilson enables the historian to challenge two views of the orthodox interpretation of the Eisenhower years. The first view maintains that the figures in the Eisenhower Cabinet were dull, unimaginative representatives of the business community. Indeed, one writer characterized the President and his advisers as "the bland leading the bland." That statement is misleading, at least in reference to Wilson.Charles E. Wilson was a wealthy industrialist, but he was hardly bland. He was many things; robust, blunt, energetic, sometimes simplistic, sometimes politically unskillful, but never bland. Furthermore, he possessed a down-to-earth intelligence which enabled him to direct the government's largest agency for almost a half-decade.A second view of the orthodox interpretation contends that the Eisenhower years were largely devoid of partisanship and a sense of political purpose. That, too, is misleading, especially regarding the issue of national defense. An examination of the debates over defense policy during those years reveals a high degree of partisanship with Wilson Persistently defending the Administration programs while the political opposition consistently sought to alter them. Furthermore, Wilson and his Democratic critics in the Senate were hardy rivals, with influential Democrats calling for Wilson's resignation at regular intervals. Wilson's encounters with Richard Russell, Lyndon B. Johnson, Stuart Symington and others may have lacked the drama of Harry Truman's lambasting of the "do-nothing, good-for-nothing" 80th congress during the 1948 presidential campaign. Yet the encounter between Wilson and his Senate critics were genuinely partisan and both Administration and Congress fought tooth-and-nail for political victory.I should like to state the purpose of this study. It is not an attempt at a biography of Wilson or even a summary of his career at the Pentagon. Instead, I have tried to examine the theme of conflict between Wilson and his Senate critics. The emphasis, and hopefully not the bias, is on Wilson's role as the Secretary of Defense in advocating his policies before skeptical groups of Senators. Hopefully, the study will succeed in a larger objective of shedding additional light on the inner workings of the Eisenhower Administration.

Louis-Antoine Léon de Saint-Just (1767-1794) was a revolutionary, a statesman, and a political philosopher, yet it is largely only as a revolutionary that he is remembered. As a political person who occupied these three different but overlapping roles, Saint-Just is ideal as the subject and center of a study of actualization, the taking of political ideals into reality. Saint-Just’s political philosophy was that of an idealist, and yet he, by force of circumstance, ability, and audacity, had the opportunity in his short life to attempt to establish and put into practice his political ideals. In his work as a political person Saint-Just created templates for the understanding of the relationship between political theory and political action. Saint-Just’s political theory is examined in relation to his political action, using the concepts of ‘the natural’, ‘the civil’, ‘the social’ and ‘the political’, concepts which are central in Saint-Just’s political philosophy. Saint-Just’s formulations of these concepts, concepts which have also been central to the history of political philosophy, and his understanding of the relations between these concepts, helps to establish him as a political philosopher of some importance, as does the theory and practice approach to politics which his attempts demanded and which his political life demonstrated. In Saint-Just’s function as political philosopher the thesis finds the theoretical element of politics, which becomes redefined in its interaction with Saint-Just’s other functions as statesman and revolutionary, the latter two of which correspond roughly to practice and exigency. As a theorist who is also a statesman in a context of exigency, or revolution, Saint-Just’s political life is a constantly rearranged juxtaposition of theory, practice, and revolution, albeit one which never loses it essential ties to its philosophical base, even in the hours of greatest emergency. Such dedication to a philosophical base, one which refuses to dispense with political philosophy, demonstrates a new conception of political philosophy for the modern world, fills in elements of a theory of revolution as a phenomenon of both theory and action, and provides a contained case for examination of political philosophy and political action, questioning their disunity.