Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In the 1750s, a group of Scots-Irish families migrated from southeastern Pennsylvania to central North Carolina and became known to local historians as The Nottingham Settlement. To determine the motivation behind members' migration to and settlement in present-day Guilford County, I propose that factors used to identify the Settlement, such as proximity, society, culture and religion, establish a model for North Carolina's backcountry communities in the mid-eighteenth century. Relying on methods employed in similar backcountry community studies to explore extant source materials for this specific set of colonists, the study provides local and family historians with an in-depth view of the lives of those associated with the Settlement as well as others residing nearby in colonial Guilford County.

Discussion surrounds the question as to whether criteria for generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) should change, particularly in youth. This study examines the effects of possible criteria changes on GAD prevalence and clinical correlates. DSM-IV GAD was assessed using the M-CIDI in a community sample of adolescents and young adults. Diagnostic thresholds were modified in two age spans (9–20 and 21–34 years) using a person-by-year data file (N = 38,534 cases). Relaxing the duration or excessiveness criteria led to the most pronounced changes in GAD prevalence, while relaxing frequency, uncontrollability, or associated-symptom criteria had smaller effects. A lower duration requirement increased rates more in older than younger age spans. Opposite effects occurred for changes in associated-symptoms or clinical-significance criteria. Broader GAD definitions identified cases in both age spans that appeared mostly milder than DSM-IV cases but that still differed from non-GAD cases in various clinical factors and validators. Developmental aspects require stronger consideration in future diagnostic systems.

In the 1880s, capitalism as a social and economic system integrated new geographic areas of the American continent. The construction of the Duluth & Iron Range Railroad (D&IR), financed by a group of Philadelphia investors led by Charlemagne Tower and later owned by the US Steel was part of this emerging political economy based on the exploitation of human and material resources. Migrant labor was in demand as it came cheap and, generally, floated between various construction-sites on the “frontier” of capitalism. The Swedish immigrants were one part of this group of “floaters” during the late 1800s and made up a significant part of the force that constructed and worked on the D&IR between the 1880s and the 1920s. This book deals with power relations between groups based on class and ethnic differences by analyzing the relationship between the Anglo-American bourgeois establishment and the Swedish and other immigrant workers and their children on the D&IR and in the railroad town of Two Harbors, Minnesota. The Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony in Minnesota, to a large extent, dictated the conditions under which Swedish immigrants and others toiled and were allowed access to American society. I have therefore analyzed the structural subordination and gradual integration of workers and, in particular, immigrant workers, in an emerging class society. The book also deals with the political and the cultural opposition to Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony that emerged in Two Harbors and that constructed a radical public sphere during the 1910s. In this process, new group identities based on class and ethnicity emerged in the working class neighborhoods in the wake of the capitalist expansion and exploitation, and as a result of worker agency. Building on traditions of political insurgency an alliance of immigrant workers, particularly Swedes, Anglo skilled workers and parts of the local petty bourgeoisie rose to a position of political and cultural power in the local community. This coalition was held together by the language of class that became the basis of a local multi-ethnic working class identity laying claim to its own version of Americanism. The period of preparedness leading up to the Great War, the war itself, and its aftermath, produced a reaction from the Anglo American bourgeoisie which resulted in a profound change in the public sphere as a coalition between “meliorist middle class reformers”, represented primarily by the YMCA and local church leaders and the D&IR and its program of welfare capitalism launched a broad program to counter socialism locally, and to forge new social bonds that would cut across class lines and ethnic boundaries. By this process, the ethnic working class in Two Harbors was offered entry into American society by acquiring citizenship and by their inclusion in a broader civic community undifferentiated by class. But this could only be realized by the workers’ adoption of an Anglo-American national identity based on identification with corporate interests, a new local solidarity that cut across class lines and a white racial identity that diminished the significance of ethnic boundaries. By these means the Swedish immigrants, or at least a portion of them, became Americans on terms established by the D&IR and its class allies.

Cette étude sociologique porte sur la Municipalité régionale de comté (MRC) Antoine-Labelle dans la région des Hautes-Laurentides au Québec. Historiquement, depuis le début des années 1900, la forêt a constitué la principale assise économique et sociale de la MRC. Depuis 2005, « la crise forestière » frappe durement cette région québécoise. Un mouvement de la transition s’est installé au sein de la communauté régionale. À l’intersection de la nature et de la culture, le terroir se présente depuis lors comme l’une des voies privilégiées de la résilience. À travers le terroir, c’est le « vivre de » et le « bien vivre ensemble » que les habitants cherchent à repenser dans leur région. Aujourd’hui, plusieurs initiatives mettant en valeur le terroir régional, notamment des projets d’agriculture biologique, sont repérables à l’ensemble du territoire des Hautes-Laurentides. Plus qu’une simple ouverture économique, le terroir est porteur de nouveaux récits sociaux et symboliques dans la région. Dans ce mémoire de maîtrise, notre objectif est précisément de mettre en lumière les représentations sociales du terroir de certains acteurs du domaine agroalimentaire de la MRC Antoine-Labelle. Nous cherchons à comprendre comment le terroir se construit, se pense, se vit et se raconte dans cette région. En interrogeant dix-sept acteurs, notamment des agriculteurs, des artisans du domaine alimentaire, des chefs, des restaurateurs et des représentants de la gouvernance régionale, ceux-ci montrent que ce concept est porteur de valeurs sociales et environnementales qui répondent à de nouvelles aspirations au sein de la communauté. Non sans difficultés, le terroir renvoie pour les acteurs interrogés à des valeurs d’autonomie, de qualité de vie, de convivialité, de conscience écologique, d’éducation et d’espoir pour la relève à venir. Cette étude sociologique du terroir dans les Hautes-Laurentides jette finalement un éclairage nouveau sur le bien-vivre en région rurale au Québec. / This sociological study is about the Regional County Municipality (RCM) of Antoine-Labelle in the Hautes-Laurentides region of Quebec. Since the early 1900s, the forest has been the main economic and social base of the MRC. Since 2005, "the forestry crisis" has heavily affected this region of Quebec. A transition movement has emerged within the regional community. At the intersection of nature and culture, the terroir has appeared as one of the preferred pathways toward resilience. Through the terroir, it’s the ideas of "living" and "living together" that inhabitants are sinking to rethink in their region. Today, several initiatives which highlight the regional terroir, including organic farming projects, have emerged throughout the territory of the Hautes-Laurentides. More than just an economic opportunity, the terroir brings with it new social and symbolic narratives in the region. In this master thesis, our goal is precisely to highlight the social representations of the terroir of some actors in this field of activity in the Antoine-Labelle RCM. We seek to understand how the terroir is constructed, conceptualized, lived and told in this region. By interviewing seventeen actors, including farmers, artisans, chefs and representatives of regional governance, we show that this concept carries social and environmental values that express new aspirations within the community. For the actors interviewed and not without its challenges, the terroir refers to values such as autonomy, quality of life, friendliness, environmental awareness, education and hope for the next generation. This sociological study of the terroir in the Hautes-Laurentides sheds new light on what is meant by “living well” in rural Quebec.

In 1964, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called St. Augustine, Florida, the most racist city in America. The resulting demonstrations and violence in the summer of 1964 only confirmed King’s characterization of the city. Yet, St. Augustine’s black history has its origins with the Spanish who founded the city in 1565. With little racial disturbance until the modern civil rights movement, why did St. Augustine erupt in the way it did? With the beginnings of Jim Crow in Florida around the turn of the century in 1900, St. Augustine’s black community began to resist the growing marginalization of their community. Within the confines of the predominantly black neighborhood known as Lincolnville, the black community carved out their own space with a culture, society and economy of its own. This paper explores how the African American community within St. Augustine developed a racial solidarity and identity facing a number of events within the state and nation. Two world wars placed the community’s sons on the front lines of battle but taught them to value of fighting for equality. The Great Depression forced African Americans across the South to rely upon one another in the face of rising racial violence. Florida’s racial violence cast a dark shadow over the history of the state and remained a formidable obstacle to overcome for African Americans in the fight for equal rights in the state. Although faced with few instances of violence against them, African Americans in St. Augustine remained fully aware of the violence others faced in Florida communities like Rosewood, Ocoee and Marianna. St. Augustine’s African American community faced these obstacles and learned to look inward for support and empowerment rather than outside. This paper examines the factors that vii encouraged this empowerment that translates into activism during the local civil rights movement of the 1960s.