Whereas, The United States Capitol Building has long been an iconic symbol of the American government and democracy worldwide. The building's design centers on the famous dome, designed by Thomas U. Walter, was completed during the American Civil War in 1863. Frederick Law Olmsted added a large terrace to the building as a part of his landscape in 1892. Olmsted's terrace was the last major addition to the Architecture of the Capitol Building and the icon of American government has been largely maintained since the turn of the 20th century, essentially frozen in time and symbolism. Yet the country has not been idle since the 1890's. The Capitol Building is a living symbol of American government and should therefore change with the American government. Whereas, One example of stalled symbols of change is the number of representatives in the House. This number, 435, has remained unchanged since 1913, despite the population more than tripling. The idea to expand the number of representatives gives the opportunity to update the House of Representatives for the modern era both structurally and architecturally through the addition of a new house chamber to the Capitol Building, just as Walter did over 150 years ago. Whereas, the Capitol Building represents a history of slavery, denied rights, and theft of Native lands and culture just as much as liberty, freedom, and self-determination of government. The lack of new construction means the Capitol has not been able to represent the last century of American history and progress from granting women the right to vote to its role in WWII to the rise of the internet, all monumentally important moments that changed the United States forever into a country and culture that deserves representation in our Capitol. Now, therefore be it resolved that this thesis proposes a new chamber for the House of Representatives to redefine the architecture of the Capitol Building and symbolize the century of history which has yet to be represented in the Capitol. The design process began with a detailed look into the history of the Capitol alongside the history of congress. The symbols embedded in the marble were products of their time, as were the laws and the representatives. Resolved that this project also questions the present and future of Congress. As much as the building serves as symbol and historical icon, it is also a working office building for the United States congress. Given the precipitous fall in congress' productivity over the past decades, the opportunity to provide a new building for the House also is an opportunity provide congress with a more functional space knowing their current chamber was built without electric lights. This new building aims to improve the capabilities of congress while being a symbol for the nation. Resolved that this thesis is about the idea of representing change. The nature of a democratic government is one of changing ideas and laws, and this project seeks to have the Capitol Building embody that aspect. Thomas Jefferson himself is known for saying rejecting change is like we "require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when he was a boy". Congress needs a new coat. / Master of Architecture / The United States Capitol Building has long been an iconic symbol of the American government and democracy worldwide. The building's design centers on the famous dome, designed by Thomas U. Walter, was completed during the American Civil War in 1863. Frederick Law Olmsted added a large terrace to the building as a part of his landscape in 1892. Olmsted's terrace was the last major addition to the Architecture of the Capitol Building and the building has been maintained to look mostly the same ever since. Despite this, the United States has had many major events since 1892 and the Capitol has not had any representation of those events. One example of stalled symbols of change is the number of representatives in the House. Since 1913, the House of Representatives in Congress has had 435 representatives, despite the population more than tripling since then. Many have had the idea to increase this number and expand the House. This idea gives an opportunity to design a new, larger chamber for the House to meet in. This thesis proposes a new chamber to redefine the architecture of the Capitol Building and symbolize the century of history which has yet to be represented in the Capitol. The idea of making a new expansion to the iconic Capitol Building comes with challenges. One of the most obvious is the strong classical architecture. The United States has gone through many difficult fights and changes since the current building was finished and it would seem disingenuous to build a new section in the same way as the old. At the same time, the history and symbolism of the Capitol is important and needs to be respected. This new extension must honor both histories and yet also look to the future and decide what the symbol of America for the next hundred years should be. Alongside these questions of symbolism is a very pragmatic reality: Congress isn't popular. Approval ratings have plummeted in recent decades and show no signs of improvement. This thesis was done amid historic turmoil and record lows in productivity in the House. This thesis also begs the question of whether the building that Congress meets in can be part of the solution. The House Chamber, when completed, had no electric lighting, let alone C-SPAN cameras and smart phones in every lawmaker's pocket. This new extension aims to provide Congress with a workplace designed to address the difficulties it faces in keeping itself in order. As a whole, this thesis is about the idea of representing change. The nature of a democratic government is one of changing ideas and laws, and this project seeks to have the Capitol Building embody that aspect. Thomas Jefferson himself is known for saying rejecting change is like we "require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when he was a boy". Congress needs a new coat.

Legislative productivity has been a much debated topic by congressional researchers. The legislative branch of the federal government is considered the people's branch because it is the only branch that is freely elected making it the most easily accountable to the general public. In addition, because the Founders of the United States talk about it first and because they talk about it the most, it is quite reasonable to assume that they meant for the legislature to be the supreme branch of government. It is therefore important to understand what factors can account for the productivity of Congress, over time. In an effort to understand what makes Congress most relevant and effective a measure of significant legislation had to be created. This thesis is unique because it develops a new measure of topical legislative output. The Congressional Digest, a journal that focuses on one salient issue facing the nation each month, is used to determine a salient and relevant legislative agenda. Ultimately, this thesis is testing whether legislation that is discussed by the Congressional Digest is addressed by legislation. More specifically, legislative productivity for this research is defined as a law being passed after the Congressional Digest raises awareness on the issue, and before the Congress in question, adjourns sine die. The Congressional Digest has been published continuously since 1921 which defines the starting point of the research. In order to allow sufficient time to track the success of the legislative initiatives discussed in the journal, which is still in print, the investigation will stop with the last issue in 2004. The new dependent variable was tested using existing variables found in the academic literature on legislative gridlock. Variables such the percentage of moderates in Congress and presidential honeymoons perform as expected; both are associated with less gridlock. Interestingly, the variable testing the change of majority power in Congress produced an effect, opposite of what was expected. New majorities are found to be associated with less topical legislative output. Arguably, this occurs because this new measure of gridlock taps a legislative agenda that represents particularly complicated issues, which new majorities are not equipped to handle effectively. Overall, the new dependent variable holds up to initial scrutiny.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1974. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

The 1994 democratic elections heralded a significant change in South Africa‟s political and social landscapes. This historic moment, and the subsequent democratic developmental processes that unfolded aimed at laying the foundations for a democratic state, were the culmination of a long history of struggle by the Black majority, in alliance with other social forces, against colonialism and apartheid. One of the significant social forces that emerged as part of this struggle against racial oppression was the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It is argued that the two most important developments in South African politics during the 1940‟s were the emergence of the African National Congress Youth League and the consolidation of its influence on the ANC leadership. The African National Congress Youth League was formed against the background of very distinct circumstances, the first being the worsening economic conditions for the growing African working class and the declining African peasantry. The second was the inability of the African National Congress to respond to the material challenges confronted by the African majority, because of its leadership and organisational weaknesses. The political programme of the ANCYL was rallied under the ideological auspices of African Nationalism, and its organisational programme under the articulated need to build a mass based and campaigning organisation. With a very strong leadership, the ANCYL was able to, within five years, assert its leadership and authority in the ANC with key elements of its manifesto forming significant parts of the ANC Programme. This culminated into the rise of the generational theme of the ANC Youth League of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. Essentially freedom was conceived as the abolishment of formal apartheid, and the delivery of a democratic South Africa. Formal democracy became a reality in South Africa in 1994 and at the helm of the ANC and the new government was the ANC Youth League generation of the 1940‟s. This generation had over fifty years struggled for freedom and 1994 represented the formal victory over apartheid and the attainment of a generational mission. The ushering in of formal democracy in 1994 heightened the expectations of the black majority in terms of its elevation from a point of view of its existing socio-economic realities. Close to twenty years after the end of formal apartheid the reality has been less than satisfactory in terms of addressing these socio-economic realities. What has been observed on the contrary is an increase in key measures such inequality and unemployment. Subsequent to that has been a less than satisfactory performance in the area of economic transformation which has been seen as a critical limiting factor in addressing the legacies of apartheid, particularly among the black majority. These limits to transformation have resulted in discontentment among the majority, claiming that democracy has not yielded to any significant changes in their material lives. The discontentment has been particularly proliferated among the youth, who bear the brunt of social challenges such as unemployment. The ANC Youth League, has had to confront the reality of being of a youth league of a governing party and balancing that with the social discontentment that has developed among South African, particularly the youth, as a result of perceived lack of social transformation. In balancing these two realities, the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of South African politics similarly to the 1940s generation of ANC Youth League leaders of the Youth League who had been mobilised under the theme of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. The contradictions within the ANC, of which the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of, and the need to become a socially relevant political force have culminated into the birth of a generational theme led by the ANC Youth League of “Economic Freedom in our Lifetime”.

South Africa achieved its formal democracy through a negotiated settlement in 1994. Formal democracy focuses on liberty, rights and basic freedom such as freedom of speech, and the right to vote, amongst others, while substantive democracy focuses on equality, social justice, and the area of economic rights with a focus on reduction of poverty, unemployment and increased equality. It is within the substantive democratisation theoretical framework, that South Africa’s democratic achievement has not necessarily been as great as its political achievements in constructing a constitutional democracy. This is evident in the continued patterns of racialised inequality and poverty, as well as the increase in service delivery protest action, which can destabilise the democratic success achieved in 1994. The objective of economic development is to create an environment where people can enjoy economic stability, job security and health, and lead productive lives, on one hand. On the other hand, political development seeks to create an environment where people can enjoy peace, rule of law and freedom. Politics and economics therefore go hand in hand to attain wealth benefits for people and create a sufficient level of political stability within a transitioning context. South Africa has made some strides towards getting political stability and a democratic state, but much still needs to be done to reduce poverty, unemployment and inequality. Hence an argument stressing the need for a Second Transition or Economic CODESA has recently entered the sphere of political public debate. This project seeks to deconstruct and explain the discourse of the Second Transition and Economic CODESA. The studies found that centre to this debate are key redistributive issues. Poverty, inequality and unemployment are key substantive challenges that have the potential to undermine political stability if they are not effectively dealt with.

Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.

History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Following the historic election of Barack Obama, the largest overhaul of the nation's health care system since the Great Society, and with the country still reeling from the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, a group of disenchanted conservative Republicans and elected leaders wary of government policy gave rise to a new political movement - the Tea Party. Since taking the American political system by storm in 2010, considerable research has focused on the electoral consequences of the Tea Party. Using an original dataset and the American National Election Study, I study the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level by analyzing roll call votes, incumbency, and endorsements, and at the mass level through an examination of congressional districts and constituencies. Findings show that members of the Tea Party Caucus and their Republican House colleagues are largely homogeneous. Exceptions to this include economic final passage votes, legislation receiving presidential support, district lean, census region, and presidential vote in congressional districts. Furthermore, evidence is seen that economic factors in members' districts affected the election of freshmen representatives in 2010, and that district variables strongly influence legislative voting behavior. Finally, discontinuity is discovered between the Tea Party movement at the mass level and the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level.

This study examines the reintegration of South African political returnees into South African society from a sociological perspective after the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC), South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) in 1990. It specifically looks at the role of liberation movements, government, the International Organization For Migration (10M), the United Nations High Commissioner For Refugees (UNHCR) and the South African Council of Churches (SACC) in the pre- and post- 1994 period. This study contends that for refugee reintegration to succeed, primary prerequisites include a relatively good and sustainable economy and, most significantly, positive governmental intervention. A central argument of the study is that the ANC-Ied government has played a significant role in the repatriation and long-term reintegration of political returnees. Of significance is the economic dimension of this process since it facilitates reintegration at the social level. The assessment of the role of the ANC-Ied government in the political returnee reintegration process is undertaken primarily through the Special Pension and Demobilization Acts of 1996 which constitute the focal point of analysis of this study. The findings of this research are that the International Organization For Migration, the United Nations High Commissioner For Refugees, the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress, the South African Communist Party and the South African Council of Churches played a significant role in the repatriation and early reintegration of political returnees in South Africa in the pre-independence phase. In the post-independence period, the ANC led government played an important role in long-term reintegration through legislative means, namely, the Special Pension and Demobilization Acts of 1996. The recommendations of the study are that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees should continue conducting large scale political refugee repatriations because of its expertise in international repatriation, programmes and processes of this magnitude. More research on the long-term socio-economic implications of the refugee reintegration process needs to be conducted in view of the fact that this area of study has not been sufficiently problematized. Finally, from a policy perspective, there is a need for governments with returning refugee populations to be more proactive in addressing this problem through legislative measures. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)