Inspired by the lack of Congressional compromise during the 2013 federal shutdown, I explore how compromise works in large groups and representative bodies. An on-line survey, personal interviews, and a discourse analysis of the Congressional Record yield a diverse collection of data, including personal and public stories of compromise. I examine the stories and other data through an eclectic mix of contemporary scholarship, borrowing literary theory from the Russian critic Mikhail Bakhtin, socio-linguistic concepts from American linguist James Paul Gee, and moral philosophy from Israeli thinker Avishai Margalit. I also incorporate the work of political scientists Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson, as well as the political campaign coverage of writer and essayist Joan Didion. My examination shows that differences in Discourse, Gee’s expansive model of the discourse community, underpin the uncompromising mindset that dominated the 2013 shutdown. I show that public and personal compromise have obvious differences in terms of scope and complexity, but that all successful compromises, of any size, rest on a bedrock of trust. My research uncovered more effective ways of brokering legislative compromise in the future. I also learned that public opinion polls do not influence legislative decisions. Instead, regular, personal contact, whether by phone, fax, or e-mail, is the best way to engage and influence legislators. Finally, I consider the challenges and limitations of my research, including the difficulty of collecting a large, diverse survey sample, and scheduling personal interviews with public officials.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka jämställdhetsfrågors aktualitet och betydelse i den sydafrikanska politiken. Detta görs med förhoppningen att kunna säga någonting om landets potentiella jämställdhetsutveckling, och om huruvida en sådan utveckling kan påverka den generella utvecklingen i ett land som är viktigt för regionen både ekonomiskt och inom jämställdhetsområdet. Studien undersöker därför Sydafrikas tre största partiers valmanifest inför de lokala val som hölls i augusti 2016 – ANC:s, DA:s och EFF:s - för att ta reda på hur jämställdhetsfrågor behandlas, alternativt icke behandlas. Undersökningen genomförs med hjälp av kvantitativ och kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultaten påvisar att valet, ur en partipolitisk synvinkel, inte genomsyrades av jämställdhet eller av en jämställdhetsinriktad diskurs. Därför är undersökningen pessimistisk till Sydafrikas vidareutveckling inom jämställdhetsområdet inom den närmaste framtiden, och därmed även till dess positiva inverkan på den generella utvecklingen i landet. Detta trots ett skiftande politiskt landskap.

M.A. (Political Science) / In this study an investigation is made into: (a) the relationship between industrial conflict and political violence; (b) the role of organised labour in the strategy of revolution; and (c) the activities of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) as part of the revolutionary strategy of the ANC-led Liberation Alliance...

In the waning days of apartheid, an operative of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of South Africa’s most powerful dissident organization the African National Congress, returned to his home community of N’wamitwa after over a decade in exile. His mission was to spark a people’s war, an imported form of revolutionary warfare developed by Mao Zedong and perfected by the North Vietnamese in their revolutionary struggles. In this thesis I examine the political context in which the ANC chose to adopt the strategy and how it was imported into South Africa. The later chapters of this thesis use N’wamitwa as a case study examining how a people’s war is successfully implemented on the ground. I argue that one can see the three phases of a people’s war as articulated by Mao play out in N’wamitwa between the years 1989 to 1994 This piece was largely written and researched using oral testimony from nine former members of the MK in N’wamitwa and thus can also be seen as a collection of personal histories of the South African Freedom Struggle. / Graduate

The study traces and explains reformulation of ANC nationalisation policy between 1990 and early 1994. In doing so it develops the sociology of nationalisation. It argues that nationalisation is a nexus of particular social relations. (Abbreviation abstract) / AC2017

Student Number: 0516477F DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL STUDIES THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS / This research report is a probe into prospects of meaningful political opposition in the parliamentary system South Africa. Political oppositions play a very constructive role in the entrenching of democracy. A free and open democratic system owes a lot to politics of opposition. The political landscape in South Africa is characterized by one dominant ruling party opposed by small and fragmented opposition. Thus there is a challenge in South Africa’s democracy due to poor opposition politics. The importance of opposition cannot be overstated, democracy thrives when there is healthy deliberation and contestation in parliament. Thus different goals, values and ideas are given the chance to be argued for or against. In South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) enjoys large support that dwarfs even the official opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA). There are other opposition parties inside and outside parliament. However the fact that the opposition is still relatively weak, is a call for concern. Although relatively weak, the opposition in South African politics is of vast importance. The effectiveness of the opposition can be measured in the debates in parliament and the positions that the opposition adopt to counter the ruling party. Currently there is the reality of a very loose and weak opposition. The opposition is not being effective enough to be of considerable substance in the political landscape. The fact that much of the policies the ANC adopts are in principle similar to the beliefs and ideas of the opposition renders the opposition ineffective and the electorate is left with no real alternative. The point of departure of this research report is that the opposition should assume policies that are an alternative to the ruling party so that they can attract the electorate and thus boost democracy in South Africa.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology. 2016 / This thesis focuses on the everyday operation of the African National Congress (ANC) as a dominant party in post-apartheid South Africa. It examines the scope of intraparty politics, particularly the trajectory of factionalism in ANC local structures after 1994. Despite the dominance of the ANC in South Africa’s political field, its more recent political trajectory most particularly since it became a party of government in 1994 is much less well understood (Butler and Southall 2015: 1). The party has traditionally been studied using a top-down perspective and with a focus on elite level exchanges in which dynamics at the national level are viewed to reverberate downwards whilst drawing on information from party leaders. The contribution made by this thesis is that it offers a detailed qualitative focus on the operation of ANC intraparty politics at a local level drawing on evidence from Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality. The overriding aim of this study which is informed by theoretical expositions on the dominant party approach and on patronage and clientelism, is to understand how factionalism in the ANC has evolved in the post-apartheid era. The thesis observes that the ANC’s political dominance after 1994 saw the gradual conflation of the party and state partly through two processes related the party’s transformative agenda. Firstly, the state itself had to be transformed to reflect the demographic composition of the country and for the most part the ANC deployed its cadres into the state who could tow the party line. Secondly, the party relied on the state as a vehicle for redistribution and the transformation of the broader political economy to achieve equity and growth. Hence black economic empowerment, state preferential procurement and other policies to uplift previously disadvantaged social groups became stepping stones for the emergent African middle and upper class. Whilst these processes transformed the state, they also fundamentally transformed the party itself as it became a site of accumulation. Intraparty contestation intensified over the limited opportunities for upward mobility provided by access to the state. The thesis argues that factionalism increasingly became characterised by patronage as competing groups within the party sought to ring-fence their political power and the opportunities for upward mobility provided by the state. This was also compounded by deepening neoliberalism whose consequences of unemployment, poverty and inequality especially at the local level led to increased dependence on the local state and the development of factionalism based on patronage politics. The thesis then explores how patronage operates in everyday practice at the local level. It shows how patron-client relationships are not merely the exchange of state resources for political support but rather they embody a field of power relations (Auyero 2001). Evidence from Buffalo City offers an important insight into how patronage exchanges are preceded by complex relationships of power that are established over time and through various enactments. The thesis demonstrates how patrons, brokers and clients exercise various forms of power every day that inform inclusion or exclusion into networks for distributing scarce state resources. It challenges views that regard factionalism and patronage as elite driven practices. / MT2017

Ao longo das últimas décadas, o estigma relacionado a grupos minoritários em virtude da religião, etnia, sexualidade, gênero ou outras características tem consistido em tema de debate em diferentes lugares do mundo. O Brasil não constituiu exceção a essa tendência. Em 08 de dezembro de 2011, o Projeto de Lei da Câmara nº 122 (PLC 122/06), cujo objetivo principal era criminalizar a LGBTfobia no país, foi debatido na Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Legislação Participativa do Senado Federal. O projeto, proposto pela deputada federal Iara Bernardi, consistia em uma resposta aos alarmantes números da violência em função de identidade de gênero e orientação sexual no Brasil. Participaram do debate os senadores Paulo Paim, Marta Suplicy, Magno Malta, Marinor Brito, Cristovam Buarque, Lídice da Mata, Marcelo Crivella, Eduardo Suplicy e Sérgio Petecão. O registro e a transmissão do debate foram feitos pela TV Senado. O debate foi marcado por intensa discordância entre senadores favoráveis e contrários aprovação do projeto. O dissenso entre esses grupos marcou-se linguísticodiscursivamente de variadas formas, entre as quais destacamos a construção de analogias de que seus membros lançaram mão com o objetivo de justificar seus posicionamentos políticos e de argumentar em favor deles. A tese defendida neste trabalho é que as analogias, em virtude da seletividade que lhes é inerente, colaboram para a construção de conceptualizações da realidade, as quais podem ser manipuladas a depender dos objetivos argumentativos dos oradores. Pressupomos, pois, que as analogias utilizadas têm função argumentativa e podem influenciar a maneira como se conceptualiza o projeto de lei, seus defensores e aqueles que a ele se opõem a ele. Tendo isso em vista, este trabalho objetiva identificar e analisar qualitativamente as analogias empregadas, a fim de desvelar as representações do PLC 122/06 e dos debatedores com cuja criação elas colaboram. A fim de viabilizar a identificação e análise das analogias, procedeu-se à transcrição do registro do debate feito pela TV Senado, o qual ocupou aproximadamente 1h33 de uma sessão da comissão de Direitos Humanos e Legislação Participativa do Senado Federal. A transcrição do debate foi feita em conformidade com as orientações do Projeto de Estudos da Norma Linguística Urbana Culta de São Paulo (Projeto NURC-SP). Constituem a base teórica deste trabalho estudos nas áreas de Argumentação (PERELMAN & OLBRECHTS-TYTECA, 1996 [1958]), Estudos Cognitivos da Analogia (HOLYOAK, 2005; GENTNER & BOWDLE, 2008; GENTNER & FORBUS, 2011) e Estudos Críticos do Discurso (VAN DIJK, 2014, 2012, 2008, 2006), entre outros. A análise do corpus permitiu constatar que os grupos discordantes, por meio do recurso a analogias, negociam o significado da aprovação do PLC122/06 para a sociedade brasileira, ora defendendo uma pretensa aceitabilidade deste, ora negando-a. A análise permitiu, além disso, que se descrevessem os usos de analogias dos senadores em termos de nichos analógicos e amálgamas, os quais têm função estruturante e argumentativa no debate sob análise. / The stigma directed toward minority groups because of their religion, ethnicity, sexuality, genre and other features has been a debate topic in different parts of the world throughout the past decades. Brazil was no exception to that tendency. On December 8th, 2011, bill no. 122/2006, which aimed at outlawing prejudice against the LGBT community in Brazil, was debated by the Human Rights and Participative Legislation Committee of the Federal Senate. The bill, proposed by Federal Deputy Iara Bernardi, was a response to the alarming rates of crimes motivated by sex orientation and genre identity in Brazil. Senators Paulo Paim, Marta Suplicy, Magno Malta, Marinor Brito, Cristovam Buarque, Lídice da Mata, Marcelo Crivella, Eduardo Suplicy, and Sérgio Petecão participated in the debate, which was recorded and aired by TV Senado. The debate was characterized by profound dissensus between senators who were favorable and unfavorable to the approval of the bill. The dissensus between those two groups was marked linguistically and discursively in various ways, including analogies, which are used by senators to justify the political stands they take and to argument in favor of them. The thesis that is defended in this work is that, because analogies are intrinsically selective, they may create different conceptualizations of reality, which means that they may be manipulated to meet the argumentative objectives of the speakers. It is thus assumed that analogies in discourse have argumentative roles and may influence the way in which the bill, its supporters and its opponents are conceptualized. Considering that, the objective of this work is to identify and analyze qualitatively the analogies used by the senators, so that the conceptualizations of the project, its opponents and its supporters they suggest can be observed. The transcription of the debate has been done according to the guidelines published by the Project of Study of the Standard Urban Linguistic Norm of São Paulo (Projeto NURC-SP). The theoretical basis of this work is to be found in studies in the areas of Argumentation (PERELMAN & OLBRECHTS-TYTECA, 1996 [1958]), Cognitive Studies of Analogy (HOLYOAK, 2005; GENTNER & BOWDLE, 2008; GENTNER & FORBUS, 2011), Critical Discourse Studies (VAN DIJK, 2014, 2012, 2008, 2006), among others. The analysis of the corpus made possible to conclude that the two groups of senators, by means of analogies, negotiate the meaning of the approval of the bill for the Brazilian population, sometimes defending the acceptability of the bill, sometimes calling it into question. The analysis also allowed the proposal and description of the concepts of analogical niches and amalgams, which both structure the debate and are used for argumentation purposes.

Esta tese tem como objetivo refletir sobre um processo de participação realizado em Belém entre os anos de 1997 e 2004, na perspectiva da construção de um projeto coletivo de uso do território desta cidade. Este processo implantado em 1997, através do Orçamento Participativo, e se amplia a partir de 2001, para um processo denominado Congresso da Cidade. A ampliação se reveste de aspectos como um deslocamento da exclusividade ou da ênfase ao debate orçamentário, pelo fortalecimento de um modelo matricial de planejamento apoiado em eixos temáticos intersetorialmente articulados, e na ampliação das representações dos diversos grupos sociais, que passam a se constituir em um elemento de inovação frente ao processo anterior. Procederemos a um exame da sua realização, enquanto um evento no âmbito do sistema de planejamento e de elaboração de um Plano para Belém, como processo de construção enquanto prática democrática, buscando identificar em que medida esta experiência de construção coletiva, como um instrumento político, contribuiu para uso não hegemônico do território. A compreensão desse processo nos levou à demonstração da estratégia de planejamento adotada pelo governo, com vistas a responder, de um lado, às demandas populares, e, de outro, à implementação de um processo que não restringiu ao tema orçamentário. Nesse sentido, é que cerca de 800 mil participações registradas nos oito anos desta experiência, resultaram de um processo de mobilização constitutiva de lugares funcionais aos usos sob diferentes critérios, como as regiões político-administrativas e os grupos sociais, e de processos de escolhas por meio de eleições diretas de conselheiros para compor as instâncias de representação como os Conselhos Distritais e o Conselho da Cidade. Demonstra-se, por meio cartográfico, a distribuição espacial dos participantes e a implementação de políticas em todo o território municipal, o que nos levou a interpretar esta experiência como não esgotada nas suas possibilidades, face à sua constituição como uma intencionalidade de mudança a partir do lugar. / This thesis aims to stress emphasis on a process of participation in Belém between 1997 and 2004, from the perspective of building a collective project on the use of land in this city. This process was initiated in 1997, through the Participative Budget and had its extension from 2001 to a process called City Congress. The expansion will be performed on aspects such as a shift of the exclusivity emphasis of the budget debate, by means of triggering the planning of a matrix model supported by intersectional articulated themes, and the expansion of the representations of various social groups, which constitutes a element of innovation in comparison with the previous process. We will then conduct a review of its implementation, as an event comprised in the system of planning and drafting a plan to Belém, as the building process of a democratic practice in order to identify to what extent this experience of collective construction, as a political instrument, contributed to a nonhegemonic territory. Understanding this process led us to demonstrate the strategy of the planning adopted by the government, in order to respond on the one hand, to popular demands, and on the other, the implementation of a process that is not restricted to the budget issue. In this sense, about 800 000 participations registered along the eight years of this experience, the result of a process of mobilizing the constitutive functional uses of places under different criteria, such as political-administrative regions and social groups, and process choices by means of direct elections of directors to form representative bodies such as District Councils and the City Council. It is shown, by the spatial mapping distribution of participants and implementation of policies throughout the city, which led us to deem the nonconclusiveness of the possibilities of this experience, due to its constitution as an intentional change of the place.

Esta pesquisa pretende investigar as origens do Direito Internacional na América Latina, tendo como berço as construções jurídicas inauguradas no Congresso do Panamá, em 1826. Embora parte da literatura considere a Primeira Conferência Pan-americana, realizada em Washington, no ano de 1889, como o marco inicial do sistema jurídico internacional na América, mostraremos que o Congresso do Panamá lançou bases para a construção e fortalecimento do Direito Internacional Regional e consagrou princípios relevantes hodiernamente considerados como pilares da Ordem Jurídica Internacional. Nesse sentido, o objeto de estudo concentrar-se-á na construção jurídica e na codificação de um Direito Internacional na América Latina que tem como foco o Congresso do Panamá, expressão máxima da atuação internacional dos Estados recém-formados da América Latina. / This research aims to investigate the origins of International Law in Latin America, cradled legal arrangements inaugurated by the Congress of Panama in 1826. Although part of the literature considers the First Pan-American Conference in Washington, in 1889, as the beginning of the international legal system in America, we will show that the Congress of Panama launched bases for building and strengthening of international law and established relevant principles, nowadays considered as pillars of the International Legal Order. Accordingly, the object of study will focus on the legal construction and codification of a International Law in Latin America that focuses the Congress of Panama, maximum expression of the international performance of the newly formed States of Latin American region.