依中共現有的國家機器結構，人民代表大會是人民管理國家的機構；在中 共黨政分開聲中，全國人民代表大會取得空前施展權力的環境，故對其過 去、現在與未來的職權與功能，確有詳加研究的必要。本論文是以大衛. 伊斯頓的政治系統理論為研究基礎，考察中共在八○年代後，因經改造成 對政治系統之重大衝擊，全國人大在此衝擊中的職權（靜態研究）與功能 （動態研究）的變遷。全文共分六章：第一章、緒論，詳述研究動機、理 論依據、研究方法及研究限制；第二章全國人大制度的基本概念與性質， 討論全國人大的變遷和人大制度的理論基礎；第三章、全國人大的職權變 遷，依據中共憲法的規定討論八○年代前後全國人大的職權及差異；第四 章、全國人大的功能變遷，以人大實際運作情行分期討論，尤其重視市民 社會的興起與全國人大實際運作之關聯性；第五章、八○年代後全國人大 與黨政及民眾的互動關係；第六章、結論，以系統理論檢視八○年代後全 國人大職權與功能的演變與預測。

<p><strong>Background: </strong>The increasing globalization of business and research has led to an increased demand for international meetings. This is a market that a number of countries wish to access and the competition is fierce to get the chance to host major conferences. Stockholm has a pronounced good position in the international meeting market and this essay will examine what it takes to be a successful meeting destination for international congresses.</p><p><strong>Purpose: </strong>The purpose of this thesis is to examine the fundamental factors that must be met for a meeting destination to be successful in the international market for conventions.</p><p><strong>Question at issue:</strong> How can a city develop into a more attractive meeting destination for international congresses?</p><p><strong>Method: </strong>Persons with key positions in the Stockholm meeting industry have been approached by qualitative interviews by the authors.</p><p><strong>Theory: </strong>As a theoretical framework the authors used the value of the physical meeting, generally on the congresses, the planning process for site selection for the meeting, the meeting platform and image.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>The authors' findings are based on the empirical material gathered during the study interviews. The results from these interviews show the importance of facilities and hotels, availability, and the image.</p> / <p><strong>Bakgrund: </strong>Den ökade globaliseringen av företag och forskning har lett till en ökad efterfrågan av internationella möten. Detta är en marknad som många länder vill ta del av och konkurrensen är hård om att få chansen att arrangera större kongresser. Stockholm har idag en uttalad god position på den internationella mötesmarknaden och denna uppsats ämnar undersöka vad som krävs för att bli en framgångsrik mötesdestination för internationella kongresser.</p><p><strong>Syfte: </strong>Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka vilka grundläggande faktorer som måste uppfyllas för att en mötesdestination ska bli framgångsrik på den internationella marknaden för kongresser.</p><p><strong>Frågeställning: </strong>Hur kan en stad utvecklas till att bli en mer attraktiv mötesdestination för internationella kongresser?</p><p><strong>Metod: </strong>Författarna har använt sig av kvalitativa intervjuer med några av Stockholms mötesindustris nyckelpersoner.</p><p><strong>Teori: </strong>Som teoretisk referensram har författarna använt sig av värdet av det fysiska mötet, allmänt om kongresser, planeringsprocessen för val av plats för möte, mötesplattformen samt image.</p><p><strong>Slutsats: </strong>Författarnas slutsatser baseras på det empiriska material som insamlats under studiens intervjuer. Resultaten från dessa intervjuer visar på vikten av faciliteter och hotell, tillgänglighet samt image.</p>

The problem of linguistic and structural bias in the subject vocabularies used by libraries has been the subject of varying degrees of scrutiny in the cataloging literature of the past several decades. This study examines the Library of Congress subject headings involving sex and gender from 1988, 1993, and 2003. Changes to the headings are tracked and analyzed. Comparisons are made between recommendations made in the literature and changes to the subject vocabulary; the impact of the changes on the appearance of bias on the basis of sex and gender in library catalogs is discussed.

Background: The increasing globalization of business and research has led to an increased demand for international meetings. This is a market that a number of countries wish to access and the competition is fierce to get the chance to host major conferences. Stockholm has a pronounced good position in the international meeting market and this essay will examine what it takes to be a successful meeting destination for international congresses. Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to examine the fundamental factors that must be met for a meeting destination to be successful in the international market for conventions. Question at issue: How can a city develop into a more attractive meeting destination for international congresses? Method: Persons with key positions in the Stockholm meeting industry have been approached by qualitative interviews by the authors. Theory: As a theoretical framework the authors used the value of the physical meeting, generally on the congresses, the planning process for site selection for the meeting, the meeting platform and image. Conclusion: The authors' findings are based on the empirical material gathered during the study interviews. The results from these interviews show the importance of facilities and hotels, availability, and the image. / Bakgrund: Den ökade globaliseringen av företag och forskning har lett till en ökad efterfrågan av internationella möten. Detta är en marknad som många länder vill ta del av och konkurrensen är hård om att få chansen att arrangera större kongresser. Stockholm har idag en uttalad god position på den internationella mötesmarknaden och denna uppsats ämnar undersöka vad som krävs för att bli en framgångsrik mötesdestination för internationella kongresser. Syfte: Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka vilka grundläggande faktorer som måste uppfyllas för att en mötesdestination ska bli framgångsrik på den internationella marknaden för kongresser. Frågeställning: Hur kan en stad utvecklas till att bli en mer attraktiv mötesdestination för internationella kongresser? Metod: Författarna har använt sig av kvalitativa intervjuer med några av Stockholms mötesindustris nyckelpersoner. Teori: Som teoretisk referensram har författarna använt sig av värdet av det fysiska mötet, allmänt om kongresser, planeringsprocessen för val av plats för möte, mötesplattformen samt image. Slutsats: Författarnas slutsatser baseras på det empiriska material som insamlats under studiens intervjuer. Resultaten från dessa intervjuer visar på vikten av faciliteter och hotell, tillgänglighet samt image.

My dissertation combines a critical history of the Indian diaspora’s political and intellectual impact on the development of African nationalism in South Africa with an analysis of African/Indian racial dynamics in Natal. Beginning in the 1940s, tumultuous debates among black intellectuals over the place of the Indian diaspora in Africa played a central role in the emergence of new and antagonistic conceptualizations of a South African nation. The writings of Indian political figures (particularly Gandhi and Nehru) and the Indian independence struggle had enormous influence on a generation of African nationalists, but this impact was mediated in complex ways by the race and class dynamics of Natal. During the 1930s and 40s, rapid and large-scale urbanization generated a series of racially-mixed shantytowns surrounding Durban in which a largely Gujarati and Hindi merchant and landlord class provided the ersatz urban infrastructure utilized by both Tamil-speaking workers and Zulu migrants. In Indian-owned buses, stores, and movie theatres, a racial hierarchy of Indian over African developed based on the social grammars of property, relationship with land, family structure, and different gender roles. In such circumstances, practices integral to maintaining diasporic identities—such as religious festivals, marriage, caste (jati), language, and even dress and food—became signifiers of ranked status and perceived exclusion. Despite the destruction of this urban landscape by forced removals beginning in the late 1950s, these social relationships powerfully shaped African and Indian identities in Natal, the popular memory of different communities, and the later politics of the anti-apartheid struggle. Although a few recent publications have attempted to break down the bifurcation that characterizes Natal’s historiography, the majority of academic writing on the province employs a race-based framework that focuses on either Indians or Zulu-speaking Africans. As a result, Natal’s African/Indian racial dynamic plays, at most, a secondary role in most scholarship on the region. In turn, Natal itself generally appears in histories of the anti-apartheid struggle as either an exception or a momentary interruption to a “national” narrative overwhelmingly centered on events, organizations, and individuals in the Transvaal. Rejecting a “race relations” approach that hypostatizes coherent racial groups, my dissertation examines how segregationist policies, African and Indian political organizations, and everyday social practices continuously reproduced an “African/Indian divide” despite both the enormous heterogeneity of each group and the quotidian intimacies of urban life. At the same time, it explores the ways in which this division shaped the development of the anti-apartheid struggle in Natal and the consequences of Natal’s politics for South Africa as a whole.

My dissertation combines a critical history of the Indian diaspora’s political and intellectual impact on the development of African nationalism in South Africa with an analysis of African/Indian racial dynamics in Natal. Beginning in the 1940s, tumultuous debates among black intellectuals over the place of the Indian diaspora in Africa played a central role in the emergence of new and antagonistic conceptualizations of a South African nation. The writings of Indian political figures (particularly Gandhi and Nehru) and the Indian independence struggle had enormous influence on a generation of African nationalists, but this impact was mediated in complex ways by the race and class dynamics of Natal. During the 1930s and 40s, rapid and large-scale urbanization generated a series of racially-mixed shantytowns surrounding Durban in which a largely Gujarati and Hindi merchant and landlord class provided the ersatz urban infrastructure utilized by both Tamil-speaking workers and Zulu migrants. In Indian-owned buses, stores, and movie theatres, a racial hierarchy of Indian over African developed based on the social grammars of property, relationship with land, family structure, and different gender roles. In such circumstances, practices integral to maintaining diasporic identities—such as religious festivals, marriage, caste (jati), language, and even dress and food—became signifiers of ranked status and perceived exclusion. Despite the destruction of this urban landscape by forced removals beginning in the late 1950s, these social relationships powerfully shaped African and Indian identities in Natal, the popular memory of different communities, and the later politics of the anti-apartheid struggle. Although a few recent publications have attempted to break down the bifurcation that characterizes Natal’s historiography, the majority of academic writing on the province employs a race-based framework that focuses on either Indians or Zulu-speaking Africans. As a result, Natal’s African/Indian racial dynamic plays, at most, a secondary role in most scholarship on the region. In turn, Natal itself generally appears in histories of the anti-apartheid struggle as either an exception or a momentary interruption to a “national” narrative overwhelmingly centered on events, organizations, and individuals in the Transvaal. Rejecting a “race relations” approach that hypostatizes coherent racial groups, my dissertation examines how segregationist policies, African and Indian political organizations, and everyday social practices continuously reproduced an “African/Indian divide” despite both the enormous heterogeneity of each group and the quotidian intimacies of urban life. At the same time, it explores the ways in which this division shaped the development of the anti-apartheid struggle in Natal and the consequences of Natal’s politics for South Africa as a whole.

Dans un contexte de lutte au terrorisme mais aussi d'intégration des marchés en Amérique du Nord, la gestion de la frontière terrestre devient un des lieux principaux de la redéfinition des rapports politiques, économiques et sociaux entre le Canada et les États-Unis. S'inscrivant dans ce contexte sécuritaire « nouveau », le but de la recherche est d'approfondir notre compréhension des idées, et plus précisément des discours, à l'origine des politiques frontalières canadiennes et américaines post 11 septembre 2001. En examinant de près la perception qu'a le Congrès américain de la sécurité à la frontière canado-américaine, nous tentons d'abord de définir les idées reçues sur le Canada, la frontière, le terrorisme et la sécurité. Dans un second temps, nous mettons en relief ces perceptions avec l'ensemble des écrits scientifiques sur la sécurité à la frontière canado-américaine. Quant à ces écrits, nous tentons également d'identifier un courant de pensée dominant sur les questions de sécurité frontalière. Ainsi nous espérons démontrer l'existence d'une convergence entre le discours du Congrès américain et un corpus littéraire spécifique de la théorie sur la politique étrangère canadienne et la sécurité frontalière. À ce titre, une analyse quantitative d'audiences publiques du Congrès américain révèle une vision dichotomique de la sécurité, partagée entre le désir de créer une forteresse imperméable et l'idée d'améliorer les échanges commerciaux entre les deux pays. Pris dans cette dichotomie, nous démontrons comment la sécurisation de la frontière devient un concept politique vague et englobant. Ainsi, la lutte au terrorisme devient davantage une lutte aux insécurités, fondées ou non, que représentent l'immigration illégale et le trafic de drogue ou de marchandises illicites. Par ailleurs, une analyse qualitative de la littérature pertinente sur le sujet révèle une tendance à la réification de la sphère politique ayant pour effet d'ignorer le caractère profondément mercantile des nouvelles politiques frontalières. En effet, si la technologisation de la frontière et un apport majeur en ressources supplémentaires font craindre à beaucoup de chercheurs une diminution des échanges économiques, il semblerait que ce soit plutôt les individus qui sont les premières victimes du discours sur la sécurité. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Canada, États-Unis, Congrès américain, Frontière, Sécurité, Terrorisme.

This thesis examines the motivations of the Chinese middle class members to run for District-level people’s congress (DPC) elections in Shenzhen and Beijing in 2003. It is interested in exploring why the middle class members wanted to run for the DPC positions that do not have real political power in China, and how their behavior can influence political change in China. By systematically analyzing the candidates’ campaign speeches and activities, this study reveals that the major motivating factors behind the middle class candidates’ decision to run for the elections were to protect their property interests and their increasing desire to defend political rights. This thesis argues that the campaigners’ actions in Shenzhen and Beijing will affect the democratization process in China.

In March 19, 2004, That day was before the presidential election day, when The presidential campaign was in full swing, the President Chen and the Vice President was shot by a shooter. This criminal act shocked the whole world, and even the opposition parties argued this event had already changed the result of the presidential Election. After the presidential election, the KMT legislators and the PFP legislators are in the majority in The Legislative Yuan, and they passed ¡ythe Act of the Special Commission on the Investigation of the Truth in Respect of the 319 Shooting¡z(hereinafter the ¡§SCITA¡¨) without considering controversial issues. According to the law, the Special Commission on the Investigation of the Truth in Respect of the 319 Shooting (hereinafter the ¡§SCIT¡¨) was set up. December 15, 2004, J.Y. Interpretation NO.585 recognized the ¡¨SCIT¡¨ was the organization responsible for the exercise of investigation, and admitted the ¡¨SCIT¡¨ to be no violation of the Constitution. But the ¡§SCIAT¡¨ provided the power to ¡§SCIT¡¨ for ordering prosecutors and retrial, etc. There was in violation of the Constitution. The Legal Profession¡Bjurists and political scientists had different opinions with the character of ¡§SCIT¡¨¡Aand it also meant that the legislators of KMT and PFP challenged the independence of Taiwan¡¦s prosecutor system. Accordingly, they hoped the character of ¡§SCIT¡¨ can be similar with the¡¨ WARREN COMMISSION¡¨ in America. They even hoped to legislate for establishing the Independent Counsel System. Because they believe the prosecutor system in Taiwan cannot avoid intervention from politics or administrative organizations, so when a prosecutor investigates crimes, he might ignored some kinds of crime involving with high-position administrators. April 12,2004, a part of prosecutors from Shihlin District Prosecutors Office¡BTaoyuan District Prosecutors Office, and etc. They cosigned a public statement. It meant that ¡§Begin the independent prosecutor system, solve the crisis of the 319 truth and the innovation of prosecutor system to win-win situation¡¨. Their suggestion is establishing the independent prosecutor system to investigate some crimes involving with high-position administrators. Those prosecutors asserted that establishing the independent prosecutor System would be better than leading in the Independent Counsel System. And making the prosecutor a categoric judicatory position¡Battorney general substitutes the minister of Ministry of Justice to be the chief of the prosecutor system¡Ball prosecutor personnel matters decided by the prosecutor personnel committee, and etc. These methods will improve the independence of the prosecutor system, and avoid intervention from any illegitimate reasons. For the character of the Independent Counsel in America, it belongs to administration. United States Congress pass a law (Ethics in Government Act of 1978) to assure the Independent Counsel can exercise his power without interference. So the Independent Counsel in America is different from the prosecutor in Taiwan. Some constitutionalists claim that the Independent Counsel was in violation of constitution, and this contention was a key point of many reasons to make the law become void. According to these reasons, what is the difference between the Independent Counsel and the independent prosecutor system? Whether we must lead in the Independent Counsel System to solve the defect of the prosecutor system in Taiwan or not? Whether the power of control (one of the five powers of the government specified in the Constitution of the Republic of China) is analogous to the Independent Counsel System? Above-mentioned questions would be the topics of debate.

In Zeiten schnellen Wandels sind fachlicher Erfahrungsaustausch und stetige Fortbildung für die Personalentwicklung in Bibliotheken von essentieller Bedeutung. Als zentrales Forum im Bibliothekswesen dient der jährliche stattfindende Deutsche Bibliothekartag mit Vorträgen, Podiumsdiskussionen und Firmenausstellungen (siehe S. 104). Anforderungen spezieller Bibliothekstypen werden zudem im Rahmen kleinerer Fachtagungen aufgegriffen, die in der Regel durch entsprechende Berufsverbände oder Arbeitsgemeinschaften organisiert werden. Sie existieren zum Beispiel für Kunst- und Museumsbibliotheken, medizinische Einrichtungen oder Gefangenenbüchereien.