Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1993. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 329-341). Also available via Internet as PDF file through Southern Oregon Digital Archives: http://soda.sou.edu. Search Bioregion Collection.

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2016-08-30T21:05:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Amaral, Marcelo Santos.pdf: 5121263 bytes, checksum: 352e9409f1f2a35901488dc5bbf1474d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Angela Dortas (dortas@ufba.br) on 2016-08-30T21:13:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Amaral, Marcelo Santos.pdf: 5121263 bytes, checksum: 352e9409f1f2a35901488dc5bbf1474d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-30T21:13:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Amaral, Marcelo Santos.pdf: 5121263 bytes, checksum: 352e9409f1f2a35901488dc5bbf1474d (MD5) / O surgimento de novas tecnologias da informação e da comunicação motivou estudos sobre as possíveis transformações provocadas por estas tecnologias, fazendo surgir diferentes correntes e dividindo os teóricos em moderados, otimistas e pessimistas em relação a estas mudanças. Mais recentemente, o advento das novas mídias sociais da internet também têm motivado diferentes investigações sobre os possíveis impactos que elas possam ter sobre as relações sociais, econômicas e políticas. Instituições, organizações, políticos e cidadãos estão adotando o uso das redes sociais em ritmo acelerado, levantando questões sobre os efeitos que esta adoção pode provocar nas relações entre Estado, governo e sociedade. O Twitter é um serviço de microblogging que surgiu com o propósito de ser um diário público de atividades, mas foi apropriado e utilizado de forma bem mais ampla, tornando-se uma rede social única na internet. Este estudo exploratório investigou a adoção do Twitter pelo Congresso Nacional e sua utilização durante o período eleitoral de 2014, abrangendo quatro momentos de análises: um período prévio ao momento eleitoral, o início e o final da campanha política, e um período posterior às eleições de 2014. Os indicadores analisados incluem dados sócio-políticos dos parlamentares em exercício em qualquer das quatro datas de análise e seus dados de uso do Twitter, coletados diretamente da rede social. O objetivo foi descrever e analisar como parlamentares e partidos políticos representados no Congresso Nacional atuavam no Twitter, antes, durante e após a campanha eleitoral de 2014. Os dados indicam que os parlamentares aderiram ao Twitter antes das eleições de 2010 ou antes das eleições de 2014. Em momentos de eleição, tendem a aumentar suas presenças na rede, postando mais conteúdos e buscando visibilidade para suas campanhas eleitorais, obtendo com isto mais popularidade e, dentre os mais populares, mais votos. Há parlamentares que, por sua grande popularidade no Twitter, se equivalem a celebridades virtuais, sendo excepcionalmente seguidos por colegas e por cidadãos, mas seguindo poucas pessoas em retorno. Na outra ponta, há uma parcela de parlamentares que se mostraram indiferentes ao uso do recurso durante as quatro etapas de análise. Os partidos políticos também reproduzem as relações do ambiente off-line no Twitter, tendo os principais partidos liderado o movimento de adesão. Há partidos, no entanto, que possuem importância relativamente maior no ambiente virtual do que fora dele, sendo muito seguidos por políticos de outros partidos e pelo público externo ao Congresso. Os parlamentares aumentaram ignificativamente o número de seus seguidores entre o início e o final do período analisado, mas o público dos partidos políticos não ficou mais qualificado com este acréscimo de popularidade de seus representantes. Depois das eleições, muitos parlamentares abandonam o uso da ferramenta – especialmente aqueles que não obtiveram sucesso eleitoral; outros, reeleitos, diminuíram suas presenças no ambiente virtual para um ritmo próximo do anterior. As conclusões apontam para a reprodução das relações personalistas e individualistas da política brasileira no ambiente virtual, com as conexões entre cidadãos e políticos valorizando a figura dos políticos, em detrimento das legendas políticas às quais estão filiados. / The rise of new information technologies and communication has motivated research on the potential changes caused by these technologies, giving rise to different streams and splitting the theoretical in moderate, optimistic and pessimistic about these changes. Recently, the advent of new social media of the Internet also have motivated different investigations on the potential impacts they might have on the social, economic and political relations. Institutions, organizations, politicians and citizens are adopting the use of social networks at a fast pace, raising questions about the effects that adoption may result in the relations between state, government and society. Twitter is a microblogging service that has emerged intended to be a public microblogging, but was appropriated and used far more widely becoming a unique social network on the Internet. This exploratory study has investigated the adoption of Twitter by the National Congress and its use during the Brazilian election of 2014, covering four stages of analysis: one period prior to election time, the beginning and the end of the political campaign, and a period after the 2014 elections. The indicators examined here include sociopolitical data of parliamentarians in any of the four dates of analysis and their Twitter usage data collected directly from the social network. The aimed to describe and analyze how parliamentarians and political parties represented in the National Congress acted on Twitter before, during and after the election campaign of 2014. The data indicate that parliamentarians have joined Twitter before the 2010 elections or before the 2014 elections. In moments of elections, they tend to increase their presence on the network, posting more content and seeking visibility for their election campaigns, obtaining with this more popularity and among the most popular, more votes. There are parliamentarians, for their great popularity on Twitter, are equivalent to virtual celebrities, being exceptionally followed by colleagues and citizens, but following few people in return. At the other hand, a part of parliamentarians have shown indifferent to the use of the resource during the four stages of analysis. Political parties also reproduce relations of the offline environment on Twitter, with major parties led the membership movement. There are parties, however, which have relatively more important in the virtual environment than outside it, being very followed by politicians from other parties and the external public to Congress. Parliamentarians have significantly increased the number of its followers between the beginning and the end of the reporting period, but the audience of political parties was not more qualified with this popularity increase their representatives. After the elections, many parliaments have abandoned the use of the tool – especially those who did not achieve electoral success; others, re-elected, decreased their presence in the virtual environment. The findings point to the reproduction of personalist and individualist relations in Brazilian politics in the virtual environment, with the connections between citizens and politicians valuing the figure of politicians at the expense of political parties to which they are affiliated.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / From the Well of the House analyzes the remaking of the House Republican Party into an aggressive, partisan organization. It explores how a new generation of Representatives elected after 1978 transformed the GOP, instituting a style of congressional politics that favored confrontation, media spectacle, and personal scandal. Following key actors, including Newt Gingrich, Bob Walker, Vin Weber, and the Conservative Opportunity Society, this dissertation explores key events and illustrates how the House Republican Conference changed from passive acceptance of their minority status to pugnacious fighters for the majority. Throughout their careers Gingrich and his Congressional allies promoted a style of politics in the House, first as backbenchers then from leadership positions, which advocated conflict and attack. They showed that aggression was a winning strategy and other Congressmen followed their lead. By examining in depth events that led the House Republican Conference to adopt a more confrontational stance, including the formation of the Conservative Opportunity Society, the use ofC-SPAN as an effective political weapon, the House Bank scandal, and conflicts with Speakers Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright and Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, this dissertation demonstrates that the 1994 Republican Revolution was the product of more than a decade of dedication and hard work. While numerous scholars have analyzed the rise ofthe New Right and the conservative ascendancy in American politics after the 1970s, From the Well of the House breaks new ground by exploring this shift in the arena of Congressional politics. In so doing, it both elucidates the deep background of the House Republican Party's successful efforts to become a majority and establishes the significance of Congress in the transformation of recent American politics. / 2031-01-02

Este trabalho se insere em discussões mais amplas acerca das relações entre laços de parentesco e política no Brasil recente. Toma-se como objeto de pesquisa a relação do parentesco com outros recursos sociais mobilizados na política, compreendendo assim diferentes usos, justificações e concepções relativas ao parentesco no âmbito dos espaços políticos nacionais. O universo empírico engloba deputados federais e senadores da 54ª Legislatura da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal dotados de vínculos de parentesco biológico com detentores de cargos eletivos no presente e em períodos anteriores. Foi empregado um conjunto diversificado de fontes como dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas com parlamentares, biografias, matérias em periódicos impressos e digitais, teses e dissertações, discursos proferidos em plenários e comissões do Congresso Nacional. Os resultados apontam para investimentos específicos dos grupos familiares nestes espaços, os quais ressaltam também o caráter composto dos recursos sociais que se associam ao parentesco. Neste sentido, as concepções de “família” e “mérito” na política aparecem de forma fluida, contribuindo para hierarquizar os agentes e patrimônios políticos familiares em questão. / This work is part of broader discussions concerning the relationship between kinship and politics in recent Brazil. Taking as the research object the relationships between kinship and other social resources mobilized in politics, it comprises different uses, justifications and insights referring to kinship influence within the national political spaces. The empirical universe includes federal deputies and senators of the 54th Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate endowed with biological kinship ties to holders of elected office in this and in previous periods. It is covered by a diverse set of sources: ten semi-structured interviews with parliamentarians, biographies, materials in print and digital journals, theses and dissertations, speeches in plenary sessions and commissions of Congress. The results point to specific investments of family groups in these spaces, which also underscores the composite character of social resources that are associated with kinship. In this sense, the concepts of "family" and "merit" in politics appear fluidly, contributing to rank the agents and family political heritage concerned.

During the last four decades, precisely from the early 1970s, U.S. foreign policy has played a dominant role in the U.S. political landscape. The current political discourse is predominantly marked by divided government, polarized politics and gridlock. Such a contentious political environment has proved to be detrimental for efficient and effective policy-making in foreign policy. There are significant factors that profoundly complicate the process of decision making and congressional-presidential relations. Partisan and ideological differences under the conditions of divided government are dominant in the current political process and in turn affect the prospects of legislative-executive consensus and dissension. Other factors such as media salience, public opinion, and electoral imperatives also complicate the dynamics of legislative-executive relations. In an era in which heightened political brinkmanship has enveloped Washington politics, continuum of consensus and dissension between Congress and the president on strategic foreign policy issues has virtually become a norm. This dissertation examines the dynamics of legislative-executive relations in two high politics U.S. foreign policy issue areas of treaty process and war powers. It appears that in contemporary U.S. foreign policymaking the trajectory of a continuum of legislative-executive consensus and dissension is a new normal and potentially irreversible, as Congress and the president try ardently to preserve their respective constitutional prerogatives. Empirical investigation across these two issue areas demonstrates a new era of a resurgent Congress marked by its greater assertive role and acting as a consequential player in the foreign policy domain. The passage of the War Powers Resolution in 1973 by Congress, overriding a presidential veto, has profound implications in the modern political landscape. It was a pivotal moment that permanently transformed the future road map of congressional-presidential relations. Since then the U.S. political system has been relentlessly experiencing an institutional power struggle in the foreign policy domain. Findings suggest that when Congress determines to confront the president and exercise its constitutional responsibilities it becomes very difficult for the president to overcome such congressional resistance. Interbranch competition has virtually created a consistent trajectory of a continuum of legislative-executive consensus and dissension in the foreign policy decision-making process.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-22T19:46:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Maurício Quadros da Mota.pdf: 2090639 bytes, checksum: c44defb17ef327afb17e7223d2191bc2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-03-28T19:19:41Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Maurício Quadros da Mota.pdf: 2090639 bytes, checksum: c44defb17ef327afb17e7223d2191bc2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T19:19:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Maurício Quadros da Mota.pdf: 2090639 bytes, checksum: c44defb17ef327afb17e7223d2191bc2 (MD5) / CAPES / Esta dissertação analisa o processo de reorganização política do Movimento Estudantil baiano no período compreendido entre os anos 1969 e 1979, que acabou contribuindo na construção do 31º Congresso Nacional da União Nacional dos Estudantes – UNE – ocorrido nos dias 29 e 30 de maio de 1979, na cidade de Salvador, Bahia. Esse evento, que contou com a participação de milhares de estudantes de todo o Brasil, foi o ápice das movimentações estudantis em escalada durante a década de 1970. O Congresso trouxe a UNE ao cenário Nacional brasileiro, após seu desmantelamento pelas forças repressivas da Ditadura Militar, com a desarticulação do Congresso de Ibiúna, e a promulgação do Ato Institucional Nº-5, em 1968. Servindo de base de orientação política das ações estudantis no contexto de redemocratização política no Brasil, angariando amplo apoio da sociedade. Nosso olhar parte da compreensão das ações estudantis dentro e fora do ambiente universitário, buscando remontar os limites político e sociais dos diferentes setores sociais que compunham as lutas e disputas em prol ou não da redemocratização política brasileira. Essa reconstrução histórica se deu a partir da conjunção e problematização de um amplo leque documental que foram de fundamental importância para as linhas que compõe essa dissertação, tais como: a grande imprensa baiana do período; as imprensas alternativas e estudantis baianas e brasileiras; entrevistas e narrativas orais; relatórios do Serviço Nacional de Inteligência; imagens e registros iconográficos. This dissertation analyzes the political reorganization of the Student Movement Bahia in the period between the years 1969 and 1979, which eventually contributed in building the 31st National Congress of the National Union of Students - UNE - occurred on 29 and 30 May 1979, in the city of Salvador, Bahia. This event, which was attended by thousands of students from all over Brazil, was the culmination of student movements in climbing during the 1970. Congress brought the Brazilian National UNE scenario, after your disorganization the repressive forces of the Military Dictatorship with the disarticulation of the Congress of Ibiúna, and the promulgation of Institutional Act No. 5, in 1968. Serving base the political orientation of student actions in the context of political democratization in Brazil, garnering support from the society. Part of our look comes from understanding the student actions inside and outside the university ambient, seeking to reassemble the political and social boundaries of different social sectors that comprised the fights and disputes in favor or not of Brazilian political democratization. This historical reconstruction took place from the conjunction and questioning of a broad range document that were of fundamental importance for the lines that make up this dissertation, such as the great baiano press of the period; alternatives and student presses baiano and brazilian; interviews and oral narratives; reports of the National Intelligence Service; images and iconographic records.

This research examines the central question of representation in the California State Legislature and the United States House of Representatives. This thesis examines the proper size for both legislative bodies in comparison to their current sizes. Considering this analysis, this thesis proposes that the California State Legislature be doubled in size, and that the United States House of Representatives be increased in size in accordance with the Wyoming Rule. This thesis examines the advantages and drawbacks of a larger legislature in both settings. Increasing the size of the California State Legislature would lower campaign costs, improve representation for communities of interest, and reduce the effectiveness of partisan gerrymandering. Increasing the size of the U.S. House of Representatives would reduce malapportionment among states, make the Electoral College more equitable, and increase political diversity among the states.

Este trabalho se insere em discussões mais amplas acerca das relações entre laços de parentesco e política no Brasil recente. Toma-se como objeto de pesquisa a relação do parentesco com outros recursos sociais mobilizados na política, compreendendo assim diferentes usos, justificações e concepções relativas ao parentesco no âmbito dos espaços políticos nacionais. O universo empírico engloba deputados federais e senadores da 54ª Legislatura da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal dotados de vínculos de parentesco biológico com detentores de cargos eletivos no presente e em períodos anteriores. Foi empregado um conjunto diversificado de fontes como dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas com parlamentares, biografias, matérias em periódicos impressos e digitais, teses e dissertações, discursos proferidos em plenários e comissões do Congresso Nacional. Os resultados apontam para investimentos específicos dos grupos familiares nestes espaços, os quais ressaltam também o caráter composto dos recursos sociais que se associam ao parentesco. Neste sentido, as concepções de “família” e “mérito” na política aparecem de forma fluida, contribuindo para hierarquizar os agentes e patrimônios políticos familiares em questão. / This work is part of broader discussions concerning the relationship between kinship and politics in recent Brazil. Taking as the research object the relationships between kinship and other social resources mobilized in politics, it comprises different uses, justifications and insights referring to kinship influence within the national political spaces. The empirical universe includes federal deputies and senators of the 54th Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate endowed with biological kinship ties to holders of elected office in this and in previous periods. It is covered by a diverse set of sources: ten semi-structured interviews with parliamentarians, biographies, materials in print and digital journals, theses and dissertations, speeches in plenary sessions and commissions of Congress. The results point to specific investments of family groups in these spaces, which also underscores the composite character of social resources that are associated with kinship. In this sense, the concepts of "family" and "merit" in politics appear fluidly, contributing to rank the agents and family political heritage concerned.

Este trabalho se insere em discussões mais amplas acerca das relações entre laços de parentesco e política no Brasil recente. Toma-se como objeto de pesquisa a relação do parentesco com outros recursos sociais mobilizados na política, compreendendo assim diferentes usos, justificações e concepções relativas ao parentesco no âmbito dos espaços políticos nacionais. O universo empírico engloba deputados federais e senadores da 54ª Legislatura da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal dotados de vínculos de parentesco biológico com detentores de cargos eletivos no presente e em períodos anteriores. Foi empregado um conjunto diversificado de fontes como dez entrevistas semi-estruturadas com parlamentares, biografias, matérias em periódicos impressos e digitais, teses e dissertações, discursos proferidos em plenários e comissões do Congresso Nacional. Os resultados apontam para investimentos específicos dos grupos familiares nestes espaços, os quais ressaltam também o caráter composto dos recursos sociais que se associam ao parentesco. Neste sentido, as concepções de “família” e “mérito” na política aparecem de forma fluida, contribuindo para hierarquizar os agentes e patrimônios políticos familiares em questão. / This work is part of broader discussions concerning the relationship between kinship and politics in recent Brazil. Taking as the research object the relationships between kinship and other social resources mobilized in politics, it comprises different uses, justifications and insights referring to kinship influence within the national political spaces. The empirical universe includes federal deputies and senators of the 54th Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate endowed with biological kinship ties to holders of elected office in this and in previous periods. It is covered by a diverse set of sources: ten semi-structured interviews with parliamentarians, biographies, materials in print and digital journals, theses and dissertations, speeches in plenary sessions and commissions of Congress. The results point to specific investments of family groups in these spaces, which also underscores the composite character of social resources that are associated with kinship. In this sense, the concepts of "family" and "merit" in politics appear fluidly, contributing to rank the agents and family political heritage concerned.

This study has as its central focus an investigation into the existence and nature of the apprenticeship norm in the United States Senate. Over its history, the Senate has been frequently portrayed as a body guided by rather restrictive, informal rules of behavior for its members. The apprenticeship norm has been identified by some as the most important of these rules; contributing to the Senate's centralized and conservative policy orientation. More recently, however, it has been argued that the Senate has become a more decentralized and fragmented body within which the apprenticeship norm is no longer important. The present study offers for the first time an empirical test of the existence and nature of the apprenticeship norm for selected sessions of the Senate for the time period 1940-1976. The frequency of performance of various types of floor activity by members of the Senate were correlated and regressed with years of service in the Senate as well as with other background characteristics of Senators to test both for the existence of the apprenticeship norm as well as to identify its relevance relative to other potential explanations of Senate floor behavior. Several definitions of apprenticeship were advanced and tested.