Thesis advisor: Shanta Pandey / Thesis advisor: Jessica Shaw / Sexual violence remains one of the most pervasive and underreported crimes in modern society. Sexual violence largely impacts women and people with other marginalized identities and has historical origins as a tool for domination and control. Although, sexual assault and rape are common occurrences, survivors of sexual assault and rape do not report their crime, and many choose not to seek help. One reason offered in sexual violence literature as an explanation for low rates of reporting and resource-seeking is attributed to the “hidden rape” victim phenomenon. More than half of survivors do not acknowledge or label their experience as a sexual assault or rape, even though their experience meets the legal definition of rape. While many reasons may influence survivors to call their experience a rape or sexual assault, such as their relationship to the person who sexually assaulted them, substance use, or prior sexual encounters with the person who sexually assaulted them, there remains much to be explored about how survivors come to understand and label their assault. Especially, as research demonstrates that unacknowledged rape is directly correlated with non-reporting and resource-seeking decisions. This study examined the influences of internalized oppression and conscientization on how survivors label and understand their experience with sexual violence, and how those influences may affect post-assault resource-seeking decisions. This study is a secondary qualitative analysis of 22 semi-structured interviews collected between the years of 2018-2019 in a Northeast region of the U.S that focused on the experience of adolescent sexual assault. I examined the process of labeling a sexual assault among survivors and how their interactions with others in the social world informs that labeling process. Boejie’s constant comparative analytical method (CCM) for analyzing qualitative interviews, was used for code and category generation with the intent of theme identification. Findings from this study outlined types of oppressive and anti-oppressive messages that informs manifestations of internalized oppression and the conscientization process that attenuates it among sexual assault survivors. Additionally, as internalized oppression and conscientization are psychological states that necessitate cultivation this study highlights the reinforcing and disruptive experiences that allowed for its continued indoctrination. Finally, this study uplifts the multiplicative experiences among sexual assault survivors with marginalized identities. Insights from this study provide new understandings of how internalized oppression and conscientization manifest among sexual assault survivors. Furthermore, the study highlights the impact these intrapsychic phenomena have on post-assault processing and decision-making. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2021. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Social Work. / Discipline: Social Work.

This philosophical study is set within Paulo Freire’s radical, critical and liberating pedagogical theoretical discourse. If conscientization is defined by Freire as the cultivation of critical consciousness and conscience, it not only provides a stimulus for better understanding of the root causes of human suffering and dehumanization or the loss of humanity but also brings full effect to humanization, an effective approach to address dehumanization problems. While the cultivation of critical consciousness tackles social system and ideological crises, the cultivation of conscience addresses human consciousness problems such as insatiable human desire represented in varying forms of egoism, ambition, lust, greed, and craving for social status. Thereby, as an educational initiative, conscientization can readily and sustainably maintain both self and social empowerment when it is deeply rooted in the praxis of changing the world. The study attempts to achieve three major tasks. The first is to clarify what conscience is and what notion of conscience has internal coherence with the process of conscientization. The second is to determine how to cultivate conscience. The third is to incorporate the cultivation of conscience into conscientization. Like Freire, I draw on a number of different philosophical traditions and perspectives. Where necessary in order to illustrate particular theoretical points, consideration is also given to a number of literary works. The notion of conscience is explored by tracing its historical development. The dialectical relation between consciousness and conscience − in particular, what causes their conflict − is also examined. The investigation of conscience concludes with identifying conscience as a unifying agent in its dialectical relationship with consciousness. The investigation of the dynamism of conscience starts with the confirmation of conscience as the basis of morality. Thereafter, the discussion focuses on why conscience works in a moral sphere, which necessitates a transcendence of blind human biological desire and utilitarian concern for the self. The rationalist tradition of transcendence has undermined, segmented and alienated human life. The transcendent functions of love and dialogue, two ontological ways of human existence, offer an alternative and are justified as the effective mechanisms for cultivating conscience. However, love and dialogue cannot resist armed injustice and inequality. This calls for the integration of the cultivation of conscience into conscientization. In so doing, the interrelatedness and interdependence between the cultivation of critical consciousness and the cultivation of conscience are examined while their distinctive and irreplaceable roles and functions are further specified. In terms of application, the educational and cultural significance of conscientization for the present and the future and possibilities for applying it to concrete educational discourses are explored.

The thesis re-presents the lived experience of cultural animation and policy production in postcolonial Zimbabwe, seeking to place these observations and theories in the domain of Cultural Policy Studies. The nation was in transition from oracy to literacy and from colonial control to socialist independence. Cultural workers in Bulawayo were very productive after Independence without apparently being aware of any policies. How, then, did things get done? The initial premise was that people living in oral cultures were always able to discuss plans and implement decisions, and that endogenous and exogenous influences (theorised as memes) were incorporated experimentally in a cultural bricolage. Part One introduces the pre-policy context of cultural change in precolonial and postcolonial situations, theorises cultural change at a micro level in terms of memetics and explains the methodology of multiple case studies. Part Two looks for origins of cultural concepts in 19th century white-authored journals and 20th century revolutionary texts and presents a critical analysis of formal documents controlling cultural policy since Independence. The importance of plurilingualism, translation and literacy in interactions between social actors is examined. Part Three provides empirical evidence to refine the original proposition in a detailed synchronic study of local cultural praxis. Discourse analysis of conflict and consensus operating at grassroots level is followed by accounts of the increasing management capacity of some groups as they become professional performers in international arenas. Contrasting instances of individual and communal animation are found in the development of institutions. Part Four discusses the role of dynamic oral policies in cultural action both in a pre-policy situation and in the implementation of documented policy in a democratising polity. The thesis also has potential for its theoretical findings to be applied in different national contexts of development and beyond cultural policy to other spheres where an increasing volume of policy initiatives challenges the people charged with their implementation.

In this paper theater is understood as a tool to communicate social transformation and the purpose of this study is to investigate the use of Theater for Development in relation to preventing violence and explore if, how and why the use differ in relation to preventing direct or structural violence. By analyzing the narrated experiences of Kenyan theaterpractitioners work through the theoretical perspectives presented by Homi K. Bhabha and John Paul Lederach this paper then argues that theater can create an elicitive Third Space where the passive spectators in the audience can be turned into empathetic, conscientized spect-actors and where conflicting communication can occur without violence. It then goes on to theorize on how the explanation to the differences exists in what the performance need to achieve in the elicitive Third space.

A presente pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar o impacto da formação continuada na Consciência Política de educadores sociais. Considerando as práticas de Educação Não Formal e a reconfiguração neoliberal entre Estado, mercado e sociedade civil a partir dos anos de 1990 no Brasil, foi estudada a formação continuada de uma Organização do Terceiro Setor, a Ação Comunitária, localizada no bairro do Campo Limpo, zona sul da cidade de São Paulo que firma convênios com Organizações de bairro da zona sul e região metropolitana de São Paulo para a oferta de Programas socioeducativos e formação continuada para líderes comunitários, gestores e educadores sociais. Foi realizada uma pesquisa qualitativa com documentos públicos e internos da Ação Comunitária; grupo focal, entrevistas semiestruturadas e observação das aulas com os educadores sociais. Para a análise, foi utilizada a Análise de Conteúdo relacionando-a ao referencial teórico da Consciência Política. Os documentos revelaram que a formação continuada tem um modelo neoliberal construído dado o contexto onde está inserida contribuindo para a ampliação do desmantelamento do Estado quase como um caminho sem volta. O grupo focal, as entrevistas e a observação das aulas dos educadores sociais revelaram que a sua Consciência Política vem se construindo numa relação de oposição à Escola. / The present research aimed to analyze the impact of continuing training in political consciousness of social educators. Considering the practices of Non-Formal education and neoliberal rewriting between State, market and civil society from the year 1990 in Brazil, studied the formation of an organization of the third sector, community action, located in the neighborhood of Campo Limpo, the southern part of the city of São Paulo that firm partnerships with neighborhood organizations of the South and São Paulo metropolitan region to offer socalled \"Programs and continuing education for community leaders, social educators and managers. Qualitative research was conducted with public and internal documents of Ação Comunitária; focal group, semi-structured interviews and observation of lessons from social educators. For the analysis, content Analysis was used in relation to the theoretical framework of political consciousness. The documents revealed that the continuing education has a neoliberal model built given the context in which it operates, contributing to the expansion of the dismantling of the State almost as a one-way street. The focal group interviews and observation of social educators lessons revealed that his political consciousness has been building a relationship of opposition to school.

No description available.

Nos modelos econômicos em que o lucro é a finalidade subordinam-se todas as instituições sociais para garantir os benefícios de uma minoria, sustentada pela opressão de uma maioria. Nos territórios ocupados pelos países ibéricos desde o século XV estabeleceu-se uma política de controle sobre as massas denominada de colonialismo. Essa política ganhou o selo oficial da Igreja que administrava o direito internacional e autorizava as ocupações. Com isso, criou-se nestes territórios uma mentalidade colonial. Embora independentes, as colônias mantiveram esta mentalidade que deve ser superada e contra a qual os oprimidos se julgavam incapazes de enfrentar, alimentados pelo discurso determinista religioso. Este trabalho trata da trajetória de Paulo Freire e do Conselho Mundial de Igrejas (CMI). Ambos nascidos no século XX. Paulo Freire é uma pessoa, CMI é uma organização internacional. Os esforços de ambos são comuns: contribuir na Missio Dei visando a libertação da pessoa humana. Um contribuiu com sua práxis epistemológica, outro com o aporte financeiro e ambos em resposta aos anseios humanos de libertação. A trajetória de Paulo Freire no Brasil, Chile e Estados Unidos é trabalhada no primeiro capítulo, e a do CMI no segundo capítulo. O capítulo três é reservado para descrever a trajetória de Paulo Freire a partir do CMI. O texto nos oferece leituras de itinerários. É uma contribuição para manter aceso os ideais do andarilho a esperança que são, num primeiro momento, a conscientização, seguida pela libertação e pela emancipação humana / In the actually economic models where sometimes profit its the aim ambition of some groups of people. All of the socials engagement centers has been usually subordinate to keep safe all of minoritys privileges which is supported by endless majoritys oppression. Since the XV century, a massive policy, called by colonialism has been established by iberic countries over crowed of people. This policy received an official seal of Church which had the responsibility to administrate international rights and used to concede occupations permission. As a consequence; in this areas, it were created colonial mentality. Thought independent, colonies have been keeping this kind thought witch must to be changed, reason why oppressed people judge themselves not able to face this situation, this group of people have been fed by religious determinism. This work treats to Paulo Freires trajectory in part to World Council of Churches (WCC). Both of them were born in the XX century. Paulo Freire its a person, WCC its an International Found. Both efforts are common, it means: to contribute with Missio Dei seeking freedom of human person. The first one helps with his epistemological praxis and the second one with the financial support and both with humanities desires of freedom. The Paulo Freires trajectory in Brazil, Chile and USA its seemed in the chapter one and second one talks about the WCC. The chapter three its reserved to broach Paulo Freires trajectory from WCC. This work also offers us itinerary readings. Its just contributions to keep in evidence all of Hopes walkers ideals whose represents conscietization in the first sight e finally followed by freedom and human emancipation.

A presente pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar o impacto da formação continuada na Consciência Política de educadores sociais. Considerando as práticas de Educação Não Formal e a reconfiguração neoliberal entre Estado, mercado e sociedade civil a partir dos anos de 1990 no Brasil, foi estudada a formação continuada de uma Organização do Terceiro Setor, a Ação Comunitária, localizada no bairro do Campo Limpo, zona sul da cidade de São Paulo que firma convênios com Organizações de bairro da zona sul e região metropolitana de São Paulo para a oferta de Programas socioeducativos e formação continuada para líderes comunitários, gestores e educadores sociais. Foi realizada uma pesquisa qualitativa com documentos públicos e internos da Ação Comunitária; grupo focal, entrevistas semiestruturadas e observação das aulas com os educadores sociais. Para a análise, foi utilizada a Análise de Conteúdo relacionando-a ao referencial teórico da Consciência Política. Os documentos revelaram que a formação continuada tem um modelo neoliberal construído dado o contexto onde está inserida contribuindo para a ampliação do desmantelamento do Estado quase como um caminho sem volta. O grupo focal, as entrevistas e a observação das aulas dos educadores sociais revelaram que a sua Consciência Política vem se construindo numa relação de oposição à Escola. / The present research aimed to analyze the impact of continuing training in political consciousness of social educators. Considering the practices of Non-Formal education and neoliberal rewriting between State, market and civil society from the year 1990 in Brazil, studied the formation of an organization of the third sector, community action, located in the neighborhood of Campo Limpo, the southern part of the city of São Paulo that firm partnerships with neighborhood organizations of the South and São Paulo metropolitan region to offer socalled \"Programs and continuing education for community leaders, social educators and managers. Qualitative research was conducted with public and internal documents of Ação Comunitária; focal group, semi-structured interviews and observation of lessons from social educators. For the analysis, content Analysis was used in relation to the theoretical framework of political consciousness. The documents revealed that the continuing education has a neoliberal model built given the context in which it operates, contributing to the expansion of the dismantling of the State almost as a one-way street. The focal group interviews and observation of social educators lessons revealed that his political consciousness has been building a relationship of opposition to school.

No description available.

Submitted by SBI Biblioteca Digital (sbi.bibliotecadigital@puc-campinas.edu.br) on 2017-04-12T18:17:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 GABRIEL SILVEIRA MENDON?A.pdf: 1588339 bytes, checksum: ac959f4b2ddfd505877f7dfb3be6f26d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-12T18:17:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GABRIEL SILVEIRA MENDON?A.pdf: 1588339 bytes, checksum: ac959f4b2ddfd505877f7dfb3be6f26d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-07 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq / This reasearch discusses the concept of ideology on the work of Ign?cio Mart?n-Bar?, the pioneer of Liberation Psychology. One of the most controversial concepts within the Social Sciences, ideology has a fundamental place in the work of this Spanish-Salvadoran psychologist, who considered this concept as a study object from Social Psychology. We start from the Dialectical-Historical Materialism and from present discussions about ideology on this theoretical tradition, also from debates about the referred concept on the modern social thought and on the international and Latin-American psychology, to reflect the author?s formulations. We focused on his formulations considering the whole of the work, the historical context of his productions, and the main conjunctural influences, like the Salvadoran civil war and the Liberation Theology. We have selected 22 texts from Mart?n-Bar? that presented in their titles and/or abstracts the concept of ideology and/or derived terms (ideologization and de-ideologization), and/or concepts of alienation and/or consciousness and analyzed them on the time sequence of their elaborations. Our analysis allows us to afirm that Mart?n-Bar? reflected about the possibilities of psychologists actions on the subjective dimensions of life producted by objetive situations of oppression and exploitation. It is in this way that he discusses ideology, considering that it changes its meaning throughout his work, one that is a synonymous of ?point of view?, and the other, more complex, known as a false consciousness that conceals and hides the social determinants according to the interests of the dominant class. Ideology foments in the dominated classes an alienated consciousness which prevents them from understanding their own reality, their own form and identity and to be the subject of their own story. Against this occulting and classist function that ideology possesses, the author claims for the de-ideologization as a way to deconstruct the dominant ideology, the disalienation to enable the individuals to overcome the alienated consciousness and both as components of a conscientization that aims to build new ways of critical consciousness and relations with a transformer and liberator horizon, politically oriented in favor of popular majorities. / Esta pesquisa discute o conceito de ideologia na obra de Ign?cio Mart?n-Bar?, precursor da psicologia da liberta??o. Um dos conceitos mais controversos no ?mbito das ci?ncias sociais, ideologia tem lugar fundamental na obra do psic?logo espanhol-salvadorenho, considerado por ele como objeto de estudo da psicologia social por excel?ncia. Partimos do materialismo hist?rico dial?tico e de discuss?es sobre ideologia presentes nesta tradi??o te?rica e de debates sobre o referido conceito no pensamento social moderno e na psicologia internacional e latino-americana para refletir sobre as formula??es do autor. Debru?amo-nos sobre suas formula??es levando em considera??o o conjunto de sua obra, o contexto hist?rico de sua produ??o e as principais influ?ncias conjunturais ?s suas produ??es, como a guerra civil salvadorenha e a Teologia da Liberta??o. Selecionamos os 22 textos de Mart?n-Bar? que apresentam em seus t?tulos e/ou resumos o conceito de ideologia e/ou termos derivados (ideologiza??o e desideologiza??o), e/ou conceitos de aliena??o e/ou conscientiza??o e analisamo-los na sequ?ncia temporal de suas elabora??es. Nossa an?lise permite afirmar que Mart?n-Bar? reflete sobre as possibilidades de a??o dos psic?logos nas dimens?es subjetivas da vida produzidas por situa??es objetivas de opress?o e explora??o. Pois ? neste sentido que ? discutido o conceito de ideologia, o qual, ao longo da obra, possui diferentes significados, um que ? sin?nimo de vis?o de mundo e outro, mais elaborado, como falsa consci?ncia que encobre e oculta os determinantes sociais segundo os interesses da classe dominante. A ideologia, por sua vez, fomenta nas classes dominadas uma consci?ncia alienada que as impede de compreender sua realidade, formarem uma identidade pr?pria e serem sujeitos de sua pr?pria hist?ria. Frente a esta fun??o ocultadora e classista que a ideologia possui e suas consequ?ncias, o autor reivindica a desideologiza??o como forma de desconstruir a ideologia dominante, a desaliena??o para possibilitar que os sujeitos superem a consci?ncia alienada e ambas como componentes da conscientiza??o que, orientada politicamente em favor das maiorias populares, visa construir novas formas de consci?ncia cr?tica e de rela??es com horizonte transformador e libertador.