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This research investigates the intersection of religion, self-identification, and imperialism in a number of Arab American literary works. It engages a wide array of, and contributes to, scholarship from American Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, Islamic Studies, Global Studies, and Transnational Literary Theory. The project examines two groups of writers: the first group consists of American cultural conservatives of Arab or Muslim descent, such as Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Nonie Darwish, Bridgette Gabrielle, and Wafa Sultan, while the second includes Arab American literary writers Mohja Kahf, Leila Ahmed, Ibrahim Fawal, and Alia Yunis. The former employ the traditional autobiography genre to produce master narratives, while the latter utilize the memoir, novel, and short-story cycle genres to challenge hegemonies and master narratives. The cultural conservatives, I contend, belong to a growing transnational body of writers whose phenomenon constitutes an extension of what Matthew F. Jacobs calls an “informal network” of transnational self-identified specialists (4). In their autobiographies, Ali, Gabrielle, Darwish, and Sultan concentrate on the Middle East, Muslims, and Arabs, but they are unique in the sense that their policy-oriented personal narratives explicitly seek to influence not only American attitudes and practices aimed at Arabs and Muslims, but also those directed at American citizens of Arab or Muslim descent. Furthermore, their culturally-conservative traditional autobiographies Infidel (2007), Nomad (2010), Heretic (2015), Now They Call Me Infidel (2006), Because They Hate (2006), They Must Be Stopped (2008), and A God Who Hates (2009) deem American multiculturalism a serious danger to the United States and the West, a thesis not unlike Samuel P. Huntington’s in The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (1996). In this research project, I claim that Arab American literary writers have had to face, and write against, the predominance of this old-new clash of civilizations idea which has evolved into a discourse promulgated by the self-identified experts of the “informal network” and the cultural conservatives of Arab or Muslim descent. The Arab American literary novels, memoirs, and short-story cycles my study closely examines trouble the clash of civilizations discourse. Kahf’s The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf (2006), Ahmed’s A Border Passage (1999), Fawal’s On the Hills of God (1998), and Yunis’s The Night Counter (2009) are arguably representative of trends in, though not limited to, the contemporary Arab American memoir, novel, and short-story cycle genres and are best understood as literary writing within the context of this broader American tradition of interpreting the Middle East, Arabs, and Muslims and the specific cultural conservative fixation on Arab and Muslim Americans. / Graduate

Popular writer and man of the people, Zamenga Batukezanga, in 1971, wrote, using his personal experience, his first book entitled The Ups and downs. In his novel, he describes the life of a young villager, Difwayame, who disenchanted acceded the developed class assigned to fight the customs of his native land. In 1986, he published a book entitled My husband on strike. In this novel, he depicts the life of Laurent Lubaki, disenchanted by his clan adheres first the sect called The world will change, and then a catholic church to fight the customs of his native environment. In1991, he wrote and published A Villager in Kinshasa. In this novel, he showed the reader how Amuly who disillusioned by the mores of Kinshasa’s people returned to the village training first agriculture becomes rich and helps villagers. In 2008, he published a book entitled Forbidden way. In this novel, he describes the Hassein Ben Diouf who disillusioned by the behaviour of his mother leaves the house of his parents and adheres to as path as banned group to fight corruption, prostitution, dictatorship which block the development of his country. After carefully reading the above four novels, one realizes that Zamenga Batukezanga puts bare retrograde and anti-values that are common after the independence of his country. That is why from a book to another, he struggles against the retrograde customs and anti- values by evoking the suffering of young people. He keeps coming in his novels on a thematic or dialectic – disenchantment and commitment. What does he mean by disenchantment and commitment? How the two concepts manifest themselves in the works of Congolese writer? What means has he put at the disposal of young struggling to fight retrogrades customs and anti-values in order to achieve freedom? / Linguistics and Modern Languages / D. Litt. et. Phil. (French)

Jan Nepomuk, count Harrach (1828-1909) was a member of an antient aristocratic dynasty, an important squirearch, a politician and a member of the Conservative Great Landowners Party; but also, a Czech aristocrat. The aim of this work is to provide a detailed analysis of political activities, views and ideas of count Harrach, conveyed through his writings, articles and speeches presented on the Bohemian land diet; and to present him not only as a conservative faithful to his class but also as an aristocrat, who willfully claimed allegiance to ethnic-linguistic conception of the Czech consciousness. The work follows a narrower focus on Jan Nepomuk's activities mentioned above, however it attempts to put them in context of his life and historical period, which constitute inseparable context. The source basis for the study are first and foremost archives from the personal literary remains of count Harrach stored in the National Archives of Austria in Vienna. Alongside, the contemporary press and administrative sources have also been used. The presented work is also a contribution to the studies of the history of the Bohemian aristocracy and its political activities and attempts to balance two stereotypes that were and to some extent still are typical for this field of historical studies - the a priori...

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-160).

[pt] O presente trabalho se propõe a analisar a crítica moral e o projeto civililizador empreendidos por Domingos José Gonçalves de Magalhães à sociedade oitocentista e ao Estado conservador centralizado erigido, especialmente entre os últimos anos da década de 30 e os anos 50 do século XIX. O autor fluminense criticava, contundentemente, a Nação escravocrata construída e defendida pelos conservadores. Afirmava que a instituição escravidão não permitia ao homem dois movimentos fundamentais à vida livre e ordenada, a saber, a reflexão a partir da consciência de si, influência claramente cartesiana, e a atuação no mundo a partir da finitude enquanto constitutiva aos entes criados em geral.Gonçalves de Magalhães estava indo de encontro ao sentido do movimento de re-cunhagem da moeda colonial empreendido pelo Regresso e, especialmente, pelos conservadores Saquaremas. Seu objetivo era reformar o mundo do governo de dentro dele mesmo. Buscava civilizar a chamada boa sociedade, os mais distantes e os mais próximos, lugar de onde saíam os exemplos de imoralidade. / [en] This work analyses the moral criticism and the civilizer project undertook by Domingos José Gonçalves de Magalhães to the society of the nineteenth century and to the centralized Conservative State, raised, especially, between the latest years of the Thirties and the Fifties of the XIX century. The author criticized, strongly, the enslaver Nation built and defended by the conservatives. He assured that the institution of slavery has not allowed man two fundamental moviments to the ordinate and free life: the reflection derived from the conscience of yourself, influence fairly cartesian, and the acting in the world enable by the finiteness while constitutive to the beings created in general. Gonçalves de Magalhães was moving towards the moviment of re-coinage of the Colonial coin achieved by the Regress and, especially, the Conservatives Saquaremas. His objective was to reform the government world from inside itself. He sought to civilize the good society, the farthest and the nearest ones, place where bad exemples of immorality were given.

Instituto Federal de EducaÃÃo, CiÃncia e Tecnologia do Parà / A presente tese tem como objeto a institucionalizaÃÃo dos Grupos Escolares no Estado do Parà a partir de 1890 atà 1910, tendo como enredo o republicanismo e o modelo escolar. O estudo tem suas bases na histÃria cultural e contou com a abordagem da Micro-histÃria de Ginzburg (1987) e Espada (2006). No Ãmbito dos estudos da histÃria da educaÃÃo foi problematizado em relaÃÃo à escola moderna, dentro dos moldes do projeto civilizador traÃado pela RepÃblica, atravÃs das categorias: Republicanismo e modelo escolar em Souza (2012). Mediante os aportes sobre o conceito de âcompreensÃo e de apropriaÃÃoâ; alÃm do neologismo ârepresentÃnciaâ, para a definiÃÃo de reprÃsentance em Ricoeur (1997/ 2010), no sentido de compreender o que foi dito e como foi narrada a experiÃncia do tempo, destacando o significado do que foi atribuÃdo, por diferentes sujeitos em diferentes situaÃÃes; com centralidade Ãs aÃÃes dos sujeitos (WEBER, 2001). Respondendo, assim, à seguinte questÃo-problema: Como ocorreu a criaÃÃo do Grupo Escolar na EducaÃÃo PrimÃria no Estado do Parà (1890-1910), a partir do republicanismo e do modelo escolar, em suas articulaÃÃes com o ideÃrio pedagÃgico, religioso e polÃtico? Com Ãnfase à anÃlise nas narrativas expressas, nas fontes documentais primÃrias: relatÃrios, regulamentos, decretos, livros, diÃrio oficial, cartas e jornais; ancorada em SchÃtze (2010), Ricoeur (2010), Creswell (2007) e Strauss e Corbin (2008). Os resultados expressam que o Parà foi o terceiro Estado a implantar os grupos escolares, a institucionalizaÃÃo dos mesmos iniciou por um municÃpio do interior, em Alenquer em 1899, a partir da necessidade da reorganizaÃÃo do ensino primÃrio atravÃs do regulamento de 1899 e no inÃcio do sÃculo XX foram criados os grupos na capital, num cenÃrio de modernizaÃÃo da cidade de BelÃm, mediante a urbanizaÃÃo, Bellà Ãpoque e o apogeu do ciclo da borracha. / This thesis has the purpose of institutionalization of School Groups in the State of Parà from 1890 to 1910, and republicanism as plot and the school model. The study has its basis in cultural history and had the approach of Micro-history of Ginzburg (1987) and Sword (2006). Within the study of the history of education has been questioned in relation to modern school, along the lines of the civilizing project outlined by the Republic, through the categories: Republicanism and scholastic model Souza (2012). Through the contributions on the concept of "comprehension and appropriation"; beyond the neologism "representÃncia", for defining reprÃsentance in Ricoeur (1997/2010), in order to understand what was said and how it was narrated the experience of time, highlighting the significance of what has been ascribed by different subjects in different situations; centrality with the actions of individuals (Weber, 2001). Responding, thus the question-problem: How did the creation of the Group in Primary School Education in the State of Parà (1890-1910), from republicanism and of the school model, in its articulations with the educational, religious and political ideas? With emphasis on the analysis in the narratives expressed, in the primaries documentary sources: reports, regulations, decrees, books, official gazette, letters and newspapers; anchored in SchÃtze (2010), Ricoeur (2010), Creswell (2007) and Strauss and Corbin (2008). The results show that the Para was the third state to implement school groups, the institutionalization of them started by a municipality in in Alenquer in 1899, from the necessity of reorganization of primary education by 1899 Council Regulation and early twentieth century groups were created in the capital, in a scenario of modernization of the city of BelÃm, through urbanization, Belle Epoque and the height of the rubber boom.

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