Domestic violence is a serious social problem that has not received enough attention for a long time. Domestic violence differs from other forms of agression by the fact that it occures in private, behind closed door between people who is close to each other. Violent and threatened peroson are emotionally and materially connected so it is more difficult for the victim to leave the offender. In addition, victims often do not confess with their situation, so it makes domestic violence very latent phenomenon. The aim of this thesis is to clarify domestic violence through its features, forms, causes and profile of the violent and threatend person and to interpret the current effective legal regulation focusing on criminal aspects of substantive and procedural law. This thesis consists of four parts. The introductory chapter defines some basic terms that are related to domestic violence. In particular, the term of domestic violence, key features, the cycle of domestic violence, its forms and causes. In addition, there is defined the profile of violent and threatened person. There are also summarized specific characters in context with women, men, children, seniors and LGBT people. This chapter also describes devastating implications of domestic violence on victims. The second chapter deals with the...

O presente trabalho analisa o impacto do exercício da repressão penal sobre os usuários de crack na busca pelo tratamento, avaliando a coerência entre os fins declarados pela atual política de drogas e os meios previstos em lei para sua consecução. O estudo se desenvolveu por meio de pesquisa qualitativa com seres humanos operada através de entrevistas com usuários e ex-usuários de crack em tratamento, bem como com os profissionais da equipe multidisciplinar do local de tratamento. / This paper analyzes the impact of criminal repression on crack users seeking treatment, evaluating the coherence between the purposes declared by the current drug policy and the means provided by law for its achievement. This paper was conducted by means of a qualitative research with humans beings, operated through interviews with crack users and former users in treatment, as well as with professionals in the multidisciplinary team from the treatment site.

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O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar as relações entre o paradigma do gênero e o Direito Penal, buscando compreender os limites do Direito Penal como instrumento de luta feminista. Em um primeiro momento, verifica-se que as feministas destacaram o papel do Direito Penal como instância criadora e reprodutora da discriminação entre homens e mulheres, atuando como um dos principais sistemas de controle formal das mulheres. Já em um segundo momento, percebe-se que o Direito Penal passou a ser considerado um aliado do movimento feminista na busca pela igualdade material entre homens e mulheres. O uso desse ramo do Direito pelo movimento feminista, estratégia que também foi adotada por outros grupos sociais em defesa de seus respectivos interesses, segue a tendência de expansão do Direito Penal verificada desde as duas últimas décadas do século XX, em resposta a uma crescente demanda social por proteção estatal ante o fenômeno delitivo. Os Estados vêm respondendo a essa solicitação por meio da promulgação de inúmeras leis penais, associadas, eventualmente, a medidas de ação afirmativa ou a dispositivos claramente paternalistas. Dentro desse contexto, pretende-se examinar algumas das recentes alterações da legislação penal estrangeira e nacional que foram patrocinadas pelo movimento feminista, ampliando a criminalização de condutas no campo da violência doméstica, sexual e de gênero. Fato esse que acaba por contribuir para um perigoso Direito Penal de gênero, que, longe de favorecer a emancipação feminina, promove a sua imagem como ser frágil, fraco e indefeso. / This paper aims at assessing the relations between the paradigm of gender and Criminal Law, with the purpose of understanding the limits of Criminal Law as an instrument of the feminist movement. It may be notices that at first, feminists highlighted the role of Criminal Law as a creative and reproductive instance of discrimination between men and women, acting as a system of formal control of women. At a second stage, one can perceive that Criminal Law is seen as an ally of the feminist movement in the search for material equality between men and women. The use of the afore mentioned area of Law by the feminist movement was also adopted by other social groups in the defense of their respective interests agrees with the trend of expansion of Criminal Law, perceived since the last two decades of the XXth Century in response to a growing social demand for government protection against criminal events. States have responded to this request by enacting several criminal laws associated, at some point, to measures of positive action or to clearly paternalist provisions. In such context, we intend to assess some of the recent amendments of foreign and national criminal legislation sponsored by the feminist movement, expanding criminalization of conducts in the area of domestic, sexual and gender violence, all to contribute to the raise of a dangerous Criminal Law of gender that, far from favoring feminine emancipation promotes, otherwise, the image of the woman as a frail, weak and defenseless human being.

The purpose of this study was to evaluate Portland, Oregon's community policing policy by using focus groups to discuss the development and effectiveness over one year, Spring 1994 to Spring 1995. The group discussed included management level social service providers and was one piece of a large scale program evaluation. The collected data developed into six major categories: 1) personnel policies and institutional memory; 2) training; 3) consistency; 4) community involvement and responsibility; 5) partnerships or relationships, and 6) change over time. The most highly discussed issue was the discrepancy between the philosophy of the Bureau, community policing, and the way in which the Bureau moves personnel. Data analysis suggested that the level of confidence and support felt by social service providers has increased dramatically over one year. Although, the group participants still have many issues they would like to see resolved, all recognize this is a process that takes time. Generally, community policing has rooted itself and established a footing with the social service providers who are committed to assisting in the molding and development of community policing as well as providing resources to assist in that Journey.

Thesis (LLM) -- University of Limpopo, 2008 / The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 108 of 1996 has brought about an inspiration for the development of our legal system. Youthful offenders like any other person in South Africa have fundamental rights. Section 28 provides for the rights of children in general and section 28(2) makes provisions for the supremacy of children’s rights in every field of the law. With regard to child offenders charged with serious crimes, courts and all those dealing with them need to take their basic rights into account. Courts should observe the rules and procedures of fair trial in order to protect and promote the individual or group of child offender’s rights. Courts are enjoined to act dynamically to obtain full particulars of the child offender’s personality and personal circumstances, and to engage the services of the probation officers or correctional service officials. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996, the Child Care Act 74 of 1983 and 38 of 2005, Criminal Law Amendment Act 105 of 1997, Criminal Procedure Act 51 of 1977, etc regulate and guide courts in dealing with children who fall foul of the law. Firstly, I am indebted to Mrs. A.T Thoka, and Prof. Scheepers my supervisors who unselfishly assisted and encouraged me through the maze I had to go through this dissertation. I would also like to express my gratitude to the late Mrs Motimele Mapula Rebecca, my wife Ramadimetja Teresiah, my daughter Isabel Madithotsana Mokonyama and my two sons Mokitlelo and Matsimela to whom this short dissertation is dedicated for their kindness in allowing me to use their quality time for my personal advancement. Last, but not least, my thanks are extended to Ms Makgatho Jerminah for having typed and compiled this dissertation.

À première vue, l’équité apparaît comme un phénomène absent du droit pénal. Il faut dire que l’idée de l’équité a été victime d’une histoire mouvementée autorisant les plus grandes confusions à son égard, lesquelles se sont cristallisées sous la période révolutionnaire. L’absence de référence explicite à la notion et l’anathème dont elle fait l’objet, dans une matière qui ne tolère aucun facteur déstabilisant, ne sauraient pourtant signifier que l’équité ait été totalement évincée du droit pénal. En réalité, elle est un phénomène occulte, dont il faut révéler les manifestations latentes, pour finalement convenir d’une utilisation implicite de la notion par le juge et le législateur. La rigidité inspirée par la légalité criminelle n’étant qu’apparente, l’équité jouit en effet d’une importante marge d’expression. D’une part, flexible, l’équité permet de réaliser une égalité concrète. Elle se trouve en conséquence implicitement tolérée dans la matière pénale en tant qu’outil d’harmonisation du droit. L’équité joue alors un rôle de complément à la loi pénale, en assurant le passage du général – la loi – vers le cas particulier. D’autre part, l’équité peut être mobilisée par le juge pénal, sans qu’il en ait nécessairement conscience, lorsque, confronté à un cas particulier, il décide de contourner l’application de la loi pénale qui risquerait de produire des effets iniques. Au service d’un jugement individuel subjectif, en référence à des valeurs issues du fond culturel dont il procède, l’équité s’exprime hors du cadre de la loi pénale. Elle se place alors en élément perturbateur venant concurrencer l’échelle des valeurs fixées par le législateur. Qu’elle vienne compléter ou concurrencer la loi, l’équité constitue toujours un moyen d’interroger les objectifs de la matière pénale dans la mesure où elle est souvent à l’origine d’évolutions législatives. En définitive, l’étude démontre que l’équité, sans être un principe autonome, est au coeur du droit pénal. / The lack of clear reference to fairness and the fact that it’s rejected in criminal law which does not tolerate any destabilizing factor does not mean that fairness is totally excluded from it. Actually it is a hidden phenomenon. Judges and legislators use the notion tacitly. As the rigidity of the principle of legality seems to be only apparent, fairness has in fact quite some room to express itself in criminal law.On the one hand, the flexibility it allows, and the underlying goal to carry out concrete equality both explain it be tolerated in some respects as a tool to standardize law. The need for flexibility is inherent to each legal system. Fairness has a complementary role for criminal law. It enables to guarantee the transition from generality – that is law – to particular cases. On the other hand, fairness can beimplemented by judges in order to circumvent the application of criminal law when it induces iniquitous consequences. As the expression of subjective individual judgment which refers to judges’ values, fairness is expressed beyond law itself. Ultimately, our study shows that fairness, without being an independent principle, is at the heart of criminal law, because at last, expressed as a complement or as an adversary to criminal law, looking for fairness often leads to legislative evolutions.

Le résumé en français n'a pas été communiqué par l'auteur. / Le résumé en anglais n'a pas été communiqué par l'auteur.

La France est une République laïque, elle garantit la liberté de conscience et le libre exercice du culte sous les réserves tenant à l'ordre public et à la protection des libertés d'autrui. Ainsi, la laïcité est un principe de notre République et la liberté cultuelle est une assise essentielle de toute démocratie. Dès lors, l'existence de rapports entre la laïcité et les cultes en France ne peut être remise en cause. Cependant, la France est marquée par un regain d'engouement de ses citoyens pour des croyances cultuelles. Légitimement, ces croyances cultuelles s'extériorisent au sein des domaines public et social. Cette extériorisation n'est pas toujours apaisée, elle entraine de vives incompréhensions voire une remise en cause du principe de laïcité. Un certain apaisement a vu le jour, sous l'impulsion de la Haute juridiction administrative et cette œuvre doit encore être poursuivie. Actuellement, certains domaines juridiques sont marqués par un embrasement entre le droit laïc et les cultes. Certes, sur certains sujets, il est toujours malaisé de s'immiscer au sein du for intérieur des individus, et le législateur ainsi que les pouvoirs publics semblent incommodés par ce problème. Pourtant, eu égard à la multiplication des conflits d'ordre cultuel et à l'apparition d'une certaine radicalisation, le législateur et les pouvoirs publics ont le devoir d'intervenir afin de rétablir un apaisement dans les rapports entre la laïcité et les cultes. / France is a "laïc" Republic, which garantees the right to freedom of conscience and the right to freedom of religion, provided public order and citizens rights and freedoms are protected. Thus, "la laïcité” is a principle of our Republic and religious freedom is an essential basis for any democracy. Therefore, the links which exist between "la laïcité" and religions in France can not be questionned. Besides, France is faced with a revival of religious beliefs and a renewed interest in religious matters.These religious beliefs are legitimately expressed in the public and social spheres. However, the way they are expressed is not always peaceful, it causes deep misunderstandings even a challenge to “laïcité”. Under the guidance of the High administrative jurisdiction there are signs of a will to calm things down, and we must continue this way. Nowadays, in some fields of the legal framework there are clashes between law, based on neutrality, and religions. As far as some subjects are concerned, interfering in people's conscience and inner self is certainly not easy and law makers and the authorities seem to feel uncomfortable faced with this problem. Yet, given the increasing number of conflicts involving law and religions and the emergence of more radical positions, law makers and the authorities have to get involved and interfere so as to restore a more peaceful relation between "laïcité" and religions.

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