Yes / This chapter examines competition and collusion among criminal justice institutions and non-state actors in imprisonment in prisons in Brazil to analyse how both formal and informal dispositions and practices have created and sustain the mass incarceration that is a pre-condition for extensive prisoner self-governance. The chapter thus looks from the outside-in, examining how relationships between extra-mural institutions have created and sustained such an enormous prison population in Brazil. It also analyses these institutions and organisations as intra-mural actors that, through their action or inaction, exercise a key role in shaping the carceral experience for inmates. It highlights the competition between the different actors involved in the penal arena for control of the carceral space and of prisoners, driven by a variety of motives – rent-seeking, moral/philosophical, and territorial.

This thesis examines the presence of community in Blackfoot Justice Circles through ethnographic, qualitative methods. Five Blackfoot Justice Circles, observed in 1996-1997, and an Innu Healing Justice Circle, are compared in structure, roles and content. The Innu circle data is found as a report and recorded as an appendix to R. v. Sellon (1996). Seven in depth interview held with circle leaders and prominant circle participants generated data used to describe and define current perceptions of traditional concepts among circle leaders on a Blackfoot reserve. Theoretically the work arrives at a principle of justice according to a concept of authentic morality expressed through problem-solving and care. The principle is collectively based on the ideas and works of Menno Boldt, Herman Bianchi, Elliot Studt, John McKnight, Carol Lepannen Montgomery, John Braithwaite, Howard Zehr, and Ruth Morris as well as peacemaking concepts. The study explores transformative justice, as differentiated from restorative and retributive justice. / xii, 258 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

This dissertation situates the emergence of gangsta rap from 1988-1997 within the historical trajectory of the American criminal justice system and the mass incarceration of African Americans. Specifically, it examines how the genre enacted the mark of criminality as a gesture of resistance in a period of sustained moral panic surrounding race and criminality in the United States. The mark of criminality refers to a regime of signifiers inscribed upon African American bodies that imagines black subjects as fundamental threats to social order. Drawing upon the theoretical resources of historical materialism and cultural studies, the project locates the mark of criminality within the social structures of capitalism, arguing that hegemonic fantasies of racialized criminality protect oppressive and exploitative social relations. The project concludes that while gangsta rap has many significant limitations associated with violence, misogyny, and commercialism, it nonetheless represents a salient expression of resistance that can inform broader interventions against the American prisons system. A number of questions guide this project. Chief among them are the following: In what ways does the criminal justice system operate as a site of rhetorical invention and hegemonic struggle? To what extent does gangsta rap enable and disable rhetorical and political agency? To what extent does it enable and disable interracial political practice? What are the implications of gangsta rap for a gendered politics of criminality? Three case studies demonstrate how specific gangsta rap artists inverted the mark of criminality toward the constitution of affirmative and resistant fantasies of black criminality. While the work of these artists, I argue, was significantly limited in its emancipatory potential, it nonetheless offered important insights into the contingency of race and crime in America. The project also considers how other rhetors responded to gangsta discourse, frequently toward the end of supporting hegemonic notions of race and criminality. The dissertation concludes that criminality functions as a vibrant site of rhetorical invention and resistance provided it is articulated to broader movements for social justice. While the often-problematic discourses of gangsta rap do not constitute politically progressive rhetorics in their own rights, they provide resources for the articulation of righteous indignation and utopian desires capable of challenging the prison-industrial complex. / text

Cette thèse traite des possibilités d’intégration de l’opinion publique dans les opérations du système de droit criminel. En s’appuyant sur le cadre de la théorie des systèmes de Niklas Luhmann et sur le concept de rationalité pénale moderne d’Alvaro Pires, cette thèse prétend faire une double contribution. D’un côté, il est question d’avancer des distinctions et des précisions théoriques sur ce qui peut constituer cette opinion publique – et même, de façon plus générale, les stimuli externes apparentés à ce concept (public, mouvements de protestation, victimes) – et d’examiner la façon de concevoir son rapport avec le système de droit criminel. D’un autre côté, il est question d’observer empiriquement les mécanismes que ledit système met en place pour gérer la pression qu’il ressent de son environnement. Qui plus est, en nous servant de ce concept de rationalité pénale moderne, nous essayons de montrer dans cette thèse que des stimuli externes qui prônent un système plus punitif et intolérant ont beaucoup plus de chances d’être entendus que des communications qui sont critiques à l’égard de la punitivité du système. Finalement, nous devons ajouter que ce travail a eu l’ambition de faire une « sociologie du droit avec le droit », c’est-à-dire que la sociologie qui a été mise en place ici a eu l’intention de prendre en considération le point de vue interne du droit. Ses catégories, son raisonnement et ses opérations sont traités à partir d’un cadre théorique de la sociologie, mais toujours en considérant que le système juridique a une logique propre qui est souvent oubliée par la sociologie du droit.

nÃo hà / Esta tese investiga a atividade de inteligÃncia na PolÃcia Militar do CearÃ. A inteligÃncia policial compreende a coleta e a gestÃo de informaÃÃes que deverÃo ser resultar em conhecimento relevante para a tomada de decisÃo dos comandantes. Para tanto, os PMs que atuam nessa Ãrea precisam desenvolver uma sÃrie de habilidades cognitivas e interpessoais, alÃm de constituir uma rede de informantes baseada fundamentalmente no sigilo e na confianÃa, dois conceitos eminentemente sociolÃgicos. Ao contrÃrio dos PMs que atuam no policiamento ostensivo, os agentes do ServiÃo Reservado - um dos nomes pelos quais essa atividade à conhecida - nÃo trajam farda e possuem maior autonomia de aÃÃo. Por causa disso, eles atuam numa tÃnue linha moral, permeada por ilegalismos diversos. Na presente pesquisa, busco compreender a atuaÃÃo desses policiais e como a inteligÃncia policial se insere no funcionamento do sistema de justiÃa criminal a partir de uma estratÃgia teÃrico-metodolÃgica que se fundamenta nos relatos e nas percepÃÃes que os agentes de inteligÃncia possuem acerca da atividade que desempenham. / This thesis investigates the intelligence activity in the Military Police of CearÃ. The police intelligence involves the collection and management of information that should be result in relevant knowledge for decision making of the commanders. Therefore, the PMs working in this area need to develop a range of cognitive and interpersonal skills as well as building a network of informants fundamentally based on secrecy and trust, two eminently sociological concepts. Unlike PMs operating in ostensible policing, the agents of the Reserved Service - one of the names by which this activity is known â donât wear uniforms and have greater autonomy of action. Because of this, they act in a thin moral line permeated by various illegalisms. In the present research, I seek to understand the performance of these policemen and how the police intelligence integrates the functioning of the criminal justice system from a theoretical and methodological strategy that is based on the reports and perceptions that intelligence agents have about their own activity.

Thesis (M. A. (Criminology and Criminal Justice)) -- University of Limpopo, 2018 / Vigilantism is a contentious issue that will persist into the future for as long as crime exists. This research aimed at determining community’s perception on vigilantism. The Criminal Justice System has failed community of Matome Village, in the sense that they lost trust and lacked confidence in CJS. Actions involved in vigilantism are not only an expression of people’s anger or frustration but also of their fear. This study adopted both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Probability sampling (Stratified sampling) was used to select participants. For qualitative approach an interview schedule with prearranged questions was conducted and used in both focus group1 and 2 interviews. Focus group 1 consisted of 10 participants, while focus group 2 consisted of 8 participants. For quantitative approach, 80 questionnaires with close-ended and open-ended questions were distributed among community members who took part in the study, and the aim was to get their opinions and experience of vigilantism. The data collected was analysed (thematic content analysis was used) and interpreted by copying exactly words that were said by the participants. The study documented the disadvantages and consequences of vigilantism to fill in the existing gaps of the dangers of vigilante incidents in the literature. Strain theory by Robert Agnew was applied as the suitable theory which best explains why people resort to partake in vigilantism. The research identified factors which contributed mostly to vigilantism, such as: a way of protection and desire for revenge (anger and frustration). KEY WORDS: Vigilantism, Crime, Culprit, Strain, Community participation, Matome Village, Criminal Justice System, Police Officers.

Cette thèse traite des possibilités d’intégration de l’opinion publique dans les opérations du système de droit criminel. En s’appuyant sur le cadre de la théorie des systèmes de Niklas Luhmann et sur le concept de rationalité pénale moderne d’Alvaro Pires, cette thèse prétend faire une double contribution. D’un côté, il est question d’avancer des distinctions et des précisions théoriques sur ce qui peut constituer cette opinion publique – et même, de façon plus générale, les stimuli externes apparentés à ce concept (public, mouvements de protestation, victimes) – et d’examiner la façon de concevoir son rapport avec le système de droit criminel. D’un autre côté, il est question d’observer empiriquement les mécanismes que ledit système met en place pour gérer la pression qu’il ressent de son environnement. Qui plus est, en nous servant de ce concept de rationalité pénale moderne, nous essayons de montrer dans cette thèse que des stimuli externes qui prônent un système plus punitif et intolérant ont beaucoup plus de chances d’être entendus que des communications qui sont critiques à l’égard de la punitivité du système. Finalement, nous devons ajouter que ce travail a eu l’ambition de faire une « sociologie du droit avec le droit », c’est-à-dire que la sociologie qui a été mise en place ici a eu l’intention de prendre en considération le point de vue interne du droit. Ses catégories, son raisonnement et ses opérations sont traités à partir d’un cadre théorique de la sociologie, mais toujours en considérant que le système juridique a une logique propre qui est souvent oubliée par la sociologie du droit.

Until recently, Mexico’s criminal court system systematically failed to observe the human rights of defendants, leading to widespread criticisms about the integrity of the system and the vulnerability of defendants to unconscionable judicial practices. Intending to remedy those deficiencies, several Mexican states have proceeded to transition from a semi-inquisitorial criminal procedure to an American-style adversarial one. Because of a 2008 reform to the national constitution, all Mexican states must adopt such criminal procedure reforms by 2016. In theory, these reforms should result in fewer overall cases, a reduced reliance on pre-trial detentions, and more dismissals of cases and acquittals. This thesis uses data collected by Mexico’s official statistical agency, INEGI, to test these hypotheses in judicial districts in four states: Oaxaca, Chihuahua, Morelos, and Zacatecas. While far fewer criminal cases are being brought in early-implementer districts that have transitioned to the new criminal procedures, the results on other statistical indicators are mixed. Nonetheless, the balance of evidence suggests that the reformed procedures are more likely to be fair to defendants and reduce overall wrongful convictions. / text

L’identification et l’examen des différentes facultés de poursuite des chefs d’État en droit international enregistrent de nombreuses mutations intervenues dans le système de protection que leur reconnaît le droit international. Réelles ou apparentes, ces mutations marquent une forme de rupture avec l’illusion qui fait croire que le souverain est irresponsable. En effet, depuis le XXe siècle, et de façon plus significative depuis le XXIe siècle, l’implication des détenteurs de l’autorité de l’État dans la commission de nombreuses atrocités a introduit des variables dans le régime des immunités, rendant ainsi possible leur mise en accusation sur le fondement du principe de non-immunité. Celle-ci peut être ouverte, pour crimes graves, devant certaines juridictions pénales internationales, dont la plus emblématique est la Cour pénale internationale, ou par le biais de mécanismes ambitieux, comme la compétence universelle, et innovants, comme les juridictions mixtes. Toutes ces institutions pénales constituent, en fait, des pôles d’évaluation du principe de non-immunité. La mise en cause des gouvernants pour corruption ou crimes économiques et financiers est considérée par le sujet, même si l’état du droit en la matière est plus modeste. Il faut donc imaginer à cet égard, de lege feranda, une contribution de l’irresponsabilité au développement de la responsabilité pour crime de «vol contre l’humanité». Dans l’ensemble, on ne saurait négliger l’important rôle joué par les règles du droit international humanitaire ainsi que par la montée en puissance d’une certaine éthique mondiale dans la gestion du pouvoir d’État. Mais en toutes ces matières, la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité pénale des chefs d’État recèle d’importantes difficultés, cristallisées notamment par les débats autour de l’équité, la légitimité et de l’universalité de la justice pénale internationale ainsi que de la coopération des États. Aussi, l’idée d’une certaine évolution du droit des immunités pénales devant les juridictions internationales (Partie 1) et celle d’une évolution aléatoire devant les juridictions internationalisées et nationales étrangères (Partie 2) retiennent particulièrement l’attention. Au demeurant, entre l’effet d’annonce que la qualité officielle de chef d’État n’exonère en aucun cas de la responsabilité pénale et le droit vivant, il existe un hiatus qui fait dire que l'évolution du droit international n'a pas radicalement entamé le "pronostic" vital" des immunités pénales. / The identification and the scrutiny of the prosecutions of heads of State in international law show that there have been many developments in the system of protection that international law grants them. Real or apparent, these developments represent a type of break with the illusion that allows us to believe that the sovereign is irresponsible. Indeed, during the 20th century, and in a more significant way in the 21st century, the involvement of high-ranking state officials in the commission ofnumerous atrocities has introduced variables into the immunities system, allowing for their indictment on the basis of the principle of non-immunity. So, they can be indicted, for serious primes, by international criminal jurisdictions, the most symbolic of which is the International Criminal Court, or by means of ambitious mechanisms such as universal, or even innovative as mixed jurisdictions. All of them provide, in fact, grounds for evaluating the principle of non-immunity. The indictment of high-ranking state officials for corruption or economic and financial crimesis considered, even if the scope of the law is more modest. It is thus necessary to imagine in this respect, de lege feranda, that the irresponsibility of heads of State may contribute to the development of the responsibility for “Theft Crimeagainst Humanity”. Overall, the important role played by humanitarian international law as well as by the increase in agreed ethics in the management of State power cannot be neglected. But in all these subjects, the implementation of the criminal responsibility of heads of State presents significant challenges, crystallized in particular by the debates around the equity, the legitimacy and the universality of the international criminal justice system aswell as the cooperation from States. So, the idea of a certain evolution of the law of criminal immunities before the international jurisdictions (Part 1) and that of a random evolution before the internationalized and foreign national jurisdictions (Part 2) particularly holds our attention. Finally, between the announcement that the official capacity as a head of State can in no case exempt them from criminal responsibility and the living law, there is a hiatus which can make us think that the evolution of international law has not radically affected the criminal immunities.

Submitted by Ana Carolina de Morais Colombaroli null (carolcolombaroli@hotmail.com) on 2018-01-16T23:00:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Carolina de Morais Colombaroli - Dissertação.pdf: 3469852 bytes, checksum: 3d554955e6d32b1ec28152e4297b2826 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Laura Odette Dorta Jardim null (laura@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-01-17T18:25:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Carolina de Morais Colombaroli - Dissertação.pdf: 3469852 bytes, checksum: 3d554955e6d32b1ec28152e4297b2826 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-17T18:25:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Carolina de Morais Colombaroli - Dissertação.pdf: 3469852 bytes, checksum: 3d554955e6d32b1ec28152e4297b2826 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-10-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / O Brasil apresenta um índice de homicídios muito elevado. Ocorrem, a cada ano, cerca de 60 mil homicídios, com uma taxa de aproximadamente 29 homicídios a cada 100 mil habitantes, o que coloca o país em primeiro lugar no número absoluto de homicídios, com uma taxa muito superior à média mundial. As taxas vêm crescendo continuamente desde a década de 1980 mas, a despeito da relativa antiguidade do problema, o Estado não tem se mostrado capaz de conter a violência letal. O objetivo do presente trabalho é empreender uma análise dos homicídios no Brasil, enfrentando os fatores sociais e econômicos a ele relacionados, bem como a debilitação da norma penal. Para tanto, utiliza-se de pesquisa bibliográfica para tratar das transformações da sociedade contemporânea, o risco, a insegurança, o afrouxamento do controle social. Faz-se uso da análise de dados estatísticos para estabelecer um panorama dos homicídios e da exclusão social e econômica que se encontram por detrás do problema, demonstrando que o problema incide majoritariamente sobre grupos específicos. Conjuga-se, ainda, pesquisa bibliográfica e análise de dados acerca do sistema de justiça criminal brasileiro e das suas instituições, demonstrando que estas não têm sido capazes de fazer frente ao avanço da violência letal. Grande parte do trabalho rompe com um padrão tradicional de pesquisa em Direito Penal, fazendo opção pela análise empírica e de dados, sem que possa ser considerado um trabalho estritamente criminológico, uma vez que a análise desses dados se relaciona à compreensão da eficácia da norma penal em relação aos homicídios. / Brazil has a very high homicide rate. Approximately 60,000 homicides occur each year, with a rate of approximately 29 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, which puts the country as the one with the higher number of homicides, with a much higher rate than the world average. The rates have been rising steadily since the 1980s, but despite the relative antiquity of the problem, the state has not been able to contain the homicides. The objective of this thesis is to undertake an analysis of the homicides in Brazil, facing the social and economic factors related to them, as well as the weakening of the penal norm. To this end, the bibliographical research is utilized to deal with the transformations of contemporary society, risk, insecurity, loosening of social control. We utilize the analysis of statistical data to establish an overview of the homicides and social and economic exclusion that lie behind the problem, demonstrating that the problem focuses on specific groups. We also conjugate the bibliographical research and the analysis of data about the Brazilian criminal justice system and its institutions, which have not been able to cope with the advance of lethal violence. The thesis breaks with a traditional pattern of criminal law research, making choice for empirical and data analysis, without being considered a strictly criminological work, since the analysis of these data is related to the understanding of the effectiveness of the criminal law about homicides. / FAPESP 2016/14856-2