This study is an educator's interpretation of the transcribed testimony of four Dene witnesses to the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry conducted by Justice Thomas Berger in the Canadian north during the mid-1970s. This study uses Calvin Schrag's (1986) notion of communicative praxis to provide a form of critical hermeneutics for the interpretation of text. Communicative praxis offers us a way to understand texts as discourse about something, by someone, and for someone. The world, the self, and the other are all displayed in any particular communicative event and thus it is in the holistic space of communicative praxis where thought, language and action interplay and are contextualized in our everyday lives. The orienting question brought to the reading of each of these texts has been "What is going on in this person's testimony?" In other words, what is this person's experience of being human, and of being Dene, and in what way is that experience disclosed through the language of their text? This piece explores who the four speakers were (the backdrop of historical circumstances as well as social practices and traditions within which the witnesses lived their lives, and in which they gave their testimony to the Inquiry), what they were saying (particularly what the speakers referenced about their lived world, as well as what they signified about the cultural, linguistic and historical tradition in which they stood) and to whom they were speaking and how they were saying it (the rhetorical moment). The speakers employed metaphor, irony, personal stories, as well as more rational forms of persuasion to call into question the morality of white people and those Western social and institutional practices which had dramatically altered the landscape of Dene lives and Dene land, and were continuing to do so. The interpretation elucidates the Dene ideal of respectfulness of "the other," a notion of the other which includes human life, as well as all living beings and the Earth itself; and a call to envision the future in terms of our children and the-yet-to-be-born. The study concludes with a personal elucidation of the pedagogical significance of the text interpretations. / Graduate

Submitted by William Justo Figueiro (williamjf) on 2015-06-12T14:55:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 8.pdf: 1596981 bytes, checksum: 0c3828915990c134616e9b4365bbd121 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-12T14:55:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 8.pdf: 1596981 bytes, checksum: 0c3828915990c134616e9b4365bbd121 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-03 / Nenhuma / O Cooperativismo, como produto da modernidade, exsurge em um momento histórico cujos primados negavam os valores da solidariedade, apostando na teorização de um indivíduo que, orientado somente a busca de seus interesses, deveria ter sua liberdade absoluta garantida pelo Estado para assim, alcançar seu bem estar. Tal liberdade pregada pela ideologia liberal acabou por acirrar a questão social, na medida em que a liberdade (notadamente negocial) em um contexto de flagrante desigualdade material consubstancia-se mais em uma liberdade para exploração do que em efetiva autonomia. O Direito Moderno também foi constituído sob tal perspectiva: a de permitir a ampla liberdade nas relações entre particulares, sem qualquer intervenção do Estado, a não ser a atribuição de dar suporte a tal concorrência, regulando as relações de conflito entre indivíduos em seus conflitos de interesse. Contemporaneamente, todavia, em um momento histórico em que, sob o paradigma do Estado Democrático de Direito, a solidariedade passa a ter papel central como forma de superar as desigualdades legadas pelo Estado Liberal – tal característica do Estado sofre transformação, no sentido de uma maior intervenção estatal nessa liberdade – outrora irrestrita – dos particulares. As discussões doutrinárias a respeito de tal intervenção sempre partem do pressuposto de uma relação de conflito entre as partes, com posições diametralmente opostas e, geralmente, em situações em que uma das partes exerce evidente poder econômico sobre outra, as chamadas “Relações Indivíduo-poder”. Nesse sentido, busca-se apresentar o contributo da noção de Relações Cooperativo-comunitárias para o desvelamento do fenômeno na contemporaneidade, no sentido de estabelecer as bases para a Eficácia dos Direitos Fundamentais em tais relações, não em uma característica “semi-estatal” de tais sociedades, tampouco no reconhecimento de uma “Relação Indivíduo-Poder”, mas no reconhecimento das Sociedades Cooperativas como sociedades democráticas, em que a observância dos Direitos Fundamentais passa a ser seu pressuposto. / The Cooperative Movement, as a product of modernity, arises in a historical moment whose denied the values of solidarity, focusing on the theory of an individual who, guided only the pursuit of their interests, should have their absolute freedom guaranteed by the state to thereby achieve its wellness. Such freedom preached by liberal ideology intensified the social question, in that freedom (especially as freedom of negotiation) in a context of gross material inequality became in a freedom to explore than an truly autonomy. The Modern Law was also constituted under this perspective: to allow ample freedom in relations between individuals, without any intervention of the State, unless the allocation of support such competition, regulating the relations of conflict between individuals in their conflicts interest. Contemporaneously, however , in a historical moment in which , under the paradigm of Democratic State of Law, solidarity is replaced central role as a way to overcome the inequalities bequeathed by the Liberal State - such feature state suffers transformation towards greater state intervention in this freedom - once unrestricted - individuals. The doctrinal discussions regarding such intervention whenever the assumption of a relationship of conflict between the parties , with diametrically opposed positions and usually in situations where one party has clear economic power over another, called "Power-Individuals". Accordingly, we seek to present the contribution of the notion of Cooperative-Community Relations for the unveiling of the phenomenon in the contemporary, to lay the foundation for the Efficiency of Fundamental Rights in such relationships, not a feature "semi-state" of such societies , nor in the recognition of an "Power-Individuals" Relations, but in recognition of Cooperative Societies as democratic societies , in which the observance of fundamental rights becomes his condiction.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-03-23T14:55:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Isadora Ferreira Neves.pdf: 770141 bytes, checksum: c5db710096fcc887c415ceb3e4cfdb32 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-23T14:55:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Isadora Ferreira Neves.pdf: 770141 bytes, checksum: c5db710096fcc887c415ceb3e4cfdb32 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-26 / Nenhuma / O presente trabalho possui o objetivo de problematizar a recepção da ponderação de Robert Alexy pela doutrina jurídica brasileira, do ponto de vista da Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito. Essa análise é feita através de três perspectivas: em um primeiro momento é feita uma leitura da ponderação nos moldes em que ela foi formulada por Robert Alexy, analisando o projeto da teoria alexyana e o contexto do seu surgimento em meio à jurisprudência dos valores e à aplicação do procedimento de ponderação pelo Tribunal Constitucional Federal Alemão. Num segundo momento, passa-se à análise da recepção que teve a ponderação alexyana pela doutrina jurídica brasileira, através do contexto em que se deu essa recepção (consubstanciado na doutrina brasileira da efetividade), bem como a adoção de conceitos conflituosos com a própria teoria alexyana (como é o caso da ponderação de regras, da ponderação preventiva e do princípio da proporcionalidade). Nesse segundo ponto também está presente a abordagem dos discursos que envolvem a recepção da ponderação pela doutrina brasileira, quais sejam, o discurso neoconstitucionalista e o discurso do ativismo judicial. Em relação ao neoconstitucionalismo, aponta-se uma tentativa de superação do positivismo jurídico que se torna frustrada diante da adoção do conceito semântico de norma e da discricionariedade interpretativa. Quanto ao discurso do ativismo judicial, argumenta-se, através de uma distinção entre este fenômeno e a judicialização da política, que ele acaba se tornando um discurso de imposição da vontade do julgador. Por fim, num terceiro momento, parte-se para uma análise da ponderação alexyana a partir dos aportes da Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito. Nesse sentido, são apontadas as contribuições de Heidegger e de Gadamer para a ruptura com a ideia de método como elemento estruturante da compreensão, a relevância de Dworkin com o conceito interpretativo de direito e o ideal de integridade e também a importância do contraponto da ponderação de Alexy com a teoria da decisão de Lenio Streck, especialmente no que tange ao problema da discricionariedade. A partir desses aspectos, o trabalho propõe uma reflexão a respeito dos pressupostos que permeiam a recepção da ponderação alexyana pela doutrina jurídica brasileira, bem como a incompatibilidade desta ponderação com a racionalidade hermenêutica. / This dissertation aims to analyse how legal scholars in Brazil adopted Robert Alexy’s balancing theory of legal principles. In order to do so, it will work within a theoretical framework known as critical hermeneutics of law (“Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito” - CHD). This work is structurally divided in three parts. During the first, it will explain how Robert Alexy tailored the balancing theory of legal principle to be a critical response to the jurisprudence of values that was widespread in Germany and applied by its Supreme Court. The second chapter will analyse how Brazilian legal scholars adopted Alexy’s theory. In addition, it will explain the historical background surrounding its adoption, which will allow understanding how Brazilian peculiarities led to the assemblage of a very different balancing theory, far away from Alexy’s original works. This assemblage was essential to the development of two common concepts in Brazilian legal thinking: “neo constitutionalism” and “judicial activism”. The former was an attempt to overcome legal positivism, but failed due to the very nature of legal norms and the result of discretionary interpretations. The latter, as will be seen, is completely different of the judicialization of politics. This distinction allows understanding how judicial activism is inevitably away to institutionalise judges’ will of power. In the last chapter, the text will focus on how the theoretical framework proposed here (CHD) perceives Alexy’s balancing theory. In order to proceed with this, it will demonstrate three different but inherently linked approaches: first, the revolution of Martin Heidegger’s and Hans-Georg Gadamer’s idea of “method”; second, Ronald Dworkin’s thesis that law is an interpretive concept which needs integrity; third, Lenio Streck’s decision theory as an alternative to solve the problem of discretionary judicial decisions. Considering these relevant theoretical perspectives, this dissertation aims to propose a reflection upon usual assumptions that underlie the incorporation of Robert Alexy’s balancing theory by Brazilian legal scholars and show how it is incompatible with hermeneutical rationality.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-05-20T14:50:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014 - Luis Henrique Braga Madalena.pdf: 1655399 bytes, checksum: 6298e078d342c95307ffa50ee9eb2390 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-20T14:50:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014 - Luis Henrique Braga Madalena.pdf: 1655399 bytes, checksum: 6298e078d342c95307ffa50ee9eb2390 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-25 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O estudo que aqui se resume possui como escopo o desvelamento do fenômeno que representa a ideia de discricionariedade administrativa no Brasil, que acaba por gerar uma armadilha teórica que leva a conclusão de que, em grande medida, os atos administrativos, por serem tidos como atos de caráter político, não seriam controláveis materialmente pelo direito, à exceção das aberrações. Muito disso ainda advém de um rasteiro discurso de separação dos poderes, que não poderia ser violado por uma atuação de controle por parte de qualquer um dos poderes que não seja o de onde emanou o ato contestado. Isso dá espaço para que a atividade administrativa, ao invés de ter garantida sua legitimidade democrática e republicana pelo direito, passa a ter sua ilegitimidade acobertada por um direito de viés conservador, que cada vez mais promove a manutenção de históricas dominações sociais, típicas do Brasil e da América Latina. Isso em grande medida é proporcionado por uma Teoria do Direito que mantém-se aprisionada em um paradigma filosófico ultrapassado e incompatível com o Estado Democrático de Direito pretendido pela Constituição de 1988: o da filosofia da consciência. Muitos discursos jus administrativos contemporâneos, como o que privilegia o paradigma gerencial da administração pública, que também dá azo a abundância de princípios, os quais acabam por servir de álibi para as decisões administrativas tomadas, na exata medida que são considerados em sua faceta teleológica, como verdadeiros mandados de otimização e não em seu viés deontológico. A partir daí a administração (presente em todos os poderes) possuiu uma permissão jurídico-normativa para agir da forma que melhor entender, com o que o direito passa a chancelar a pluralidade de respostas, as quais são consideradas como pertencentes a uma esfera política. A atividade administrativa do Estado, especialmente no Brasil, onde podem ser verificadas as influências da cordialidade, do patriarcalismo e de um patrimonialismo estamental, conforme tratado por Buarque de Holanda, Gilberto Freyre e Raymundo Faoro, é passível de equiparação à vontade de poder, abordada por Nietzsche, com base em seu conceito de niilismo. Para que se possa alcançar o almejado Estado Democrático de Direito, que necessariamente passa por uma firme atuação estatal, imperioso que se recupere a noção de ciência da atividade administrativa, direta e completamente vinculada ao Direito. Este Direito deve possuir um cunho transformador, de projeção, para o que tem-se como resposta a Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito, inaugura por Lenio Streck, fundada na hermenêutica filosófica/filosofia hermenêutica, de Hans Georg Gadamer/Martin Heidegger e na integridade e coerência no Direito, de Ronald Dworkin, que afirma o direito fundamental à respostas corretas. O que em grande medida se faz é demonstrar que tal exigência é perfeitamente cabível na esfera da atividade administrativa e que a discricionariedade (administrativa) em nada difere da discricionariedade judicial, especialmente em sua função de álibi para o relativismo e para a chancela e manutenção de odiosas dominações. / The study that is here summarized has scoped the uncovering of the phenomenon that represents the notion of administrative discretion in Brazil, which generates a theoretical trap which leads to the conclusion that, to a large extent, administrative acts, once they have a political nature, would not be materially controllable by law, except for aberration. A lot of that still comes from a low speech of separation of powers, which could’t be violated by an act of control on the part of any of the powers, other than where issued the contested act. This gives space for administrative activity, rather than having guaranteed its democratic legitimacy and the Republican right, begins to have his illegitimacy covered up by a straight law, that increasingly promotes the maintenance of social dominations, typical of Brazil and Latin America. This, in a large extent, is provided by a Theory of Law that remains trapped in a philosophical paradigm, outdated and incompatible with the democratic State of Law required by the Constitution of 1988: the philosophy of consciousness. Many contemporary jus administrative speeches, as the one that favors the managerial paradigm of public administration, at the end favors the abundance of principles, which will serve as an alibi for the taken administrative decisions, at the exact extent which are considered in their teleological facet, like true optimization requirements and not on your deontological bias. From there the administration (present in all powers) possessed a normative legal permission to act in the manner that best understand, with what the law becomes to chancellor, the plurality of responses, which are considered as belonging to a political sphere. The administrative activity of the State, especially in Brazil, where it’s possible to be verified the influences of cordiality, patriarchy and patrimonialism estamental, as spoken by Buarque de Holanda, Gilberto Freyre and Raymundo Faoro, is amenable to assimilation to will to power, approached by Nietzsche, based on his concept of nihilism. In order to achieve the coveted democratic State of Law, which necessarily goes through a steady state performance, imperative that recovers the notion of administrative activity, directly and completely bound to the Law. This Law must have a transformer bias, of projection, for what you have as a response to Critical Hermeneutics, Law inaugurates by Padman Streck, founded on philosophical hermeneutics/philosophy hermeneutics by Hans Georg Gadamer/Martin Heidegger and the integrity and consistency of law, by Ronald Dworkin, who claims the fundamental right to correct answers. What largely if does is demonstrate that this requirement is perfectly appropriate in the sphere of administrative activity and it’s discretion in nothing differs from the judicial discretion, especially in its role as an alibi for the relativism and for the seal and maintenance of odious dominations.

Submitted by KATIA GUERCHI GONZALES null (profkatiaguerchi@gmail.com) on 2017-08-13T15:08:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 texto_defesa_kátia_guerchi_gonzales.pdf: 39087457 bytes, checksum: 5a80e63df3dc562afbc5389214119056 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by LUIZA DE MENEZES ROMANETTO (luizamenezes@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2017-08-18T19:07:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 gonzales_kg_dr_bauru.pdf: 39087457 bytes, checksum: 5a80e63df3dc562afbc5389214119056 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-18T19:07:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gonzales_kg_dr_bauru.pdf: 39087457 bytes, checksum: 5a80e63df3dc562afbc5389214119056 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta pesquisa busca compreender aspectos das Licenciaturas Parceladas que habilitavam professores para ensinar Matemática oferecidas pela Universidade Estadual do Mato Grosso – UEMT e pela Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul, respectivamente, nas décadas de 1970 e 1990. As perspectivas associadas às metodologias da História Oral e da Hermenêutica de Profundidade fornecem a sustentação teórica e metodológica do trabalho. Desse modo, mobilizamos fontes escritas disponíveis e também narrativas constituídas a partir da realização de entrevistas com pessoas que estiveram envolvidas de alguma forma com a idealização, criação e desenvolvimento desse modo de formação. Emergem deste estudo discussões acerca de situações particulares do contexto educacional da região em estudo, como a divisão de Mato Grosso Uno, a criação do Mato Grosso do Sul, as influências e disputas políticas; e as carências e urgências que permitiram que cursos como as Licenciaturas Parceladas fizessem parte da formação de professores de Matemática antes e depois da divisão do estado. / The main goal of this research to understand the creation and development of the so called Parceled Graduation which main focus was the formation of math teachers. Such courses were offered by Universidade Estadual de Mato Grosso – UEMT- and Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul - UFMS, respectively in the 70's and 90's. The methodological framework was given by Oral History and Thompson’s Hermeneutics of the Depth. Particular remarks on the regional context emerge from the analytic process: the division of Mato Grosso state, the creation of Mato Grosso do Sul state, the influences and political disputes, deficiencies and urgencies that allowed graduations like Parceled Graduation to be essential for Mathematics teachers formation.

Sonification allows for the analysis and interpretation of data through its rendering into sound. It is a method that remains largely unexplored from a digital humanities perspective. The present thesis addresses this research gap by exploring aspects of sonification as a mode of data perceptualization. Methodologically, it combines an extensive review of sonification literature with the design of a sonification prototype. The prototype is created using an exploratory programming approach and is evaluated through a small user study. One of the main challenges of using sonification within the humanities consists in aligning it with humanistic interpretative and critical modes of inquiry, in the thesis understood through the framework of Johanna Drucker’s critical hermeneutics. Another challenge is related to the shortage of existing projects and previous research, and also to a lack of relatively easy-to-use sonification tools. In the thesis, these challenges are primarily made visible through the process of prototype design and through the subsequent user study. Nevertheless, the literature review successfully uncovers a number of potential strategies for the realization of humanistic-interpretative sonification design, focusing especially on the concepts of phenomenology of listening and musical sonification. By applying musical sonification, it becomes possible to move beyond the simple representation of data, allowing instead for interpretative approaches. The findings presented in the thesis provide foundations for future research into humanities sonification.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-06-01T13:10:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mateus Bassani de Matos.pdf: 1796553 bytes, checksum: 21e87bf981b91625c7d64bd4b9880b11 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-01T13:10:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mateus Bassani de Matos.pdf: 1796553 bytes, checksum: 21e87bf981b91625c7d64bd4b9880b11 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-23 / Nenhuma / No âmbito do Constitucionalismo Contemporâneo, a tributação no Brasil é analisada a partir da chamada Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito, demonstrando que sua função redistributiva não vem sendo almejada e observada, nos termos preconizados pela Constituição Brasileira. Apesar do fundamental papel que a tributação desempenha, os atores sociais responsáveis pela sua elaboração, institucionalização e manejo, mostram-se refratários às mudanças paradigmáticas operadas pela filosofia da linguagem e pelo movimento constitucional. Isso ocorre tanto no âmbito dos Poderes constituídos, como na doutrina em matéria tributária, que acriticamente referenda as posições exaradas por aqueles Poderes. Nessa conjuntura, reconhecendo-se a normatividade do texto constitucional, o papel central da linguagem desenvolvido a partir da viragem ontológico-linguística e o caráter transformador atribuído ao Estado Democrático Direito, analisa-se o papel dos princípios que devem conformar o exercício da função tributária. Somente a partir de uma compreensão autêntica da tributação, que as promessas constitucionais podem ser cumpridas, por meio da progressividade tributária e dos mecanismos de redistribuição de riquezas, na adequada aplicação do princípio da capacidade contributiva – expressão do princípio da igualdade em matéria tributária. Nesta perspectiva, há uma série de instrumentos e mecanismos à disposição do imaginário jurídico nacional, no sentido de recuperar o papel de centralidade da tributação na construção de uma sociedade livre, justa e igualitária e, portanto, adequada à Constituição vigente. Basta, pois, suspender os prejuízos inautênticos acerca dos princípios e regras que ora balizam a tributação no Brasil para, a partir disso, permitir que normas comprometidas com a função redistributiva possam ser instituídas, implementadas e interpretadas e, com isso, garantir que as grandes promessas constitucionais alcancem sua concretude. / In the framework of Contemporary Constitutionalism, the taxation in Brazil is analyzed from the called critical hermeneutics of Law, showing that its redistributive function has not been desired and observed, in recommended terms by the Brazilian Constitution. Despite the fundamental role that the taxation develops, the social actors responsible for its preparation, unconstitutionalization and management, showing refractories to the paradigmatic changes operated by the philosophy of language and by the constitutional movement. That occurs both in the scope of constituted Powers as in the doctrine in the tax matters, which uncritically endorses the positions that have been entered by that Powers. In this conjuncture, recognizing the normativity of the constitutional text, the central role of the language developed by the ontological-linguistic shift the transformer character assigned to the Law Democratic State, it is analyzed the role of the principles that must shaping the exercise of taxation function. Only from understanding authenticates taxation, that the constitutional promises must befulfilled by the means of tax progressivity and by the mechanisms of wealth redistribution, in the proper application of the principle of ability to pay – expression of the principle of equality in tax matter. In this perspective, there is a series of instruments and mechanisms in the provision of national legal imaginary, in order to recover the role of centrality of the taxation in building a free society, fair and equitable and, therefore appropriate to the current Constitution. That is, so, suspend inauthentic injuries on the principles and rules that sometimes trivialize the taxation in Brazil and, from this, allow that rules that are committed to the redistributive function may be instituted, implemented and interpreted and, therefore to ensure that major constitutional promises reach the ir concreteness.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-07-13T19:40:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Santiago Artur Berger Sito.pdf: 1223303 bytes, checksum: 1d8229905ae79f24d71835401e4ee9aa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-13T19:40:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santiago Artur Berger Sito.pdf: 1223303 bytes, checksum: 1d8229905ae79f24d71835401e4ee9aa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-20 / Nenhuma / Em tempos de Constitucionalismo Contemporâneo, o presente trabalho surge com um objetivo pontual e determinado: lançar luzes sobre duas propostas que surgem no interior do constitucionalismo emergente do segundo pós-guerra, para averiguar como ambas as teorias do direito, em uma perspectiva ampla (mas que problematizam a intepretação e a decisão, de certo modo), analisam o problema (interpretativo) deixado pelo(s) positivismo(s). A proposta se compreende dentro de um paradigma filosófico alinhavado com a fenomenologia hermenêutica, que desconsidera os métodos (no sentido cartesiano) como instrumentos de averiguação da verdade. Ao fazê-lo, em um primeiro momento, embrenha-se em perquirir parcela do que foi feito neste ambiente teórico representado pelo Constitucionalismo Contemporâneo, bem como em seus reflexos no Brasil. Em um segundo momento, especificamente duas teorias são estudadas: de um lado, a proposta de Jürgen Habermas, na Teoria Discursiva do Direito, em que são convocados postulados morais de Klaus Günther, filósofo que trabalha a questão dos discursos de fundamentação/justificação e os discursos de aplicação; de outro lado, a Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito, conjuminada por Lenio Luiz Streck, estribado em aportes da Filosofia Hermenêutica de Martin Heidegger, da Hermenêutica Filosófica de Hans-Georg Gadamer, bem como da Teoria Integrativa de Ronald Dworkin. Tais investigações permitirão fazer um comparativo na forma como a interpretação e a compreensão se dão em ambas as vertentes. Por fim, visando obter um comprometimento com o contexto teórico da atualidade, colocam-se as propostas discursivas em foco, concluindo que os aportes hermenêuticos sugerem uma via de acesso ao conhecimento, em direito, mais alinhada com os avanços da filosofia. Em linhas gerais, o trabalho apresenta-se como uma ferramenta de análise que, ao definir suas bases, deixa claro o lugar da fala e, com fidelidade ao programa, pergunta-se pelas condições da interpretação no atual paradigma jusfilosófico. / In times of Contemporary Constitutionalism, this work comes with a timely and specific goal: to shed light on two proposals that arise within the emerging constitutionalism of the second postwar period, to ascertain how two theories of law, in a wide perspective (but that study the issues of interpretation and decision, in a certain way), analyze the problem left by the positivism(s). The proposal is understood within a philosophical paradigm basted with hermeneutic phenomenology, which disregards the methods (in the cartesian way) as a tool for finding the truth. And in doing so, at first, penetrates into a portion of what was done in this theoretical environment represented by the Contemporary Constitutionalism and its consequences in Brazil. In a second step, specifically two theories are studied: on one hand the proposal of Jürgen Habermas, Discoursive Theory of Law, which called moral propositions of Klaus Günther, a philosopher who works the question of the reasons/justification discourses and application discourses; on the other side to Critical Hermeneutics of Law, gathered by Lenio Luiz Streck, using in intakes of Hermeneutic Philosophy of Martin Heidegger, the Philosophical Hermeneutics of Hans-Georg Gadamer, and the Integrative Theory of Ronald Dworkin. Such investigations will allow a comparison in how the interpretation and understanding occur in both brands. Finally, to obtain a commitment to the theoretical context of today, assesses the relevance of the proposals, concluding that the hermeneutic contributions suggest a means of access to knowledge in law, more in line with advances in philosophy. In general, the work presents itself as an analysis tool that, when determining their bases, makes clear the place of speech, and with fidelity to the program, will the conditions of interpretation in the actual law-philosophical paradigm.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is a conceptual analysis of “institutional culture” in higher education, especially because the concept has become a buzzword in higher education discourse in South Africa. The aim is to develop an understanding of the concept, and more specifically, to explore how institutional culture is organised, constructed and articulated in the institutional documents of Stellenbosch University (SU) and the University of the Western Cape (UWC). These analyses are preceded by an analysis of higher education policy documents. I employ critical hermeneutics as research methodology to construct constitutive meanings of “institutional culture”. Since it is difficult to work with a large set of constitutive meanings, I narrowed the list down to the four most frequently recurring meanings, namely: shared values and beliefs; language; symbols; and knowledge production. These constitutive meanings form the theoretical framework which is used to analyse institutional documents. My findings suggest that all the constitutive meanings of my theoretical framework are addressed in the institutional documents of both SU and UWC, which means that the institutional documents conform to my theoretical framework. SU has, in my opinion, an excellent and comprehensive base of well-prepared and compiled institutional documents. However, most of these documents seem to relate to quality and compliance to national policy requirements, with no significant actions or strategies to address the challenges related to transforming the University’s institutional culture. Even though SU has shown commendable strategic initiatives to transform its institutional culture, there has not been sufficient engagement with the challenges of transformation. Similarly, for UWC, it is my contention that even though UWC is committed to transformation and nurturing a culture of change in order to make meaning of and address the complex challenges of the world, there needs to be more rigorous engagement in shaping and managing strategic direction and planning to ensure an institutional culture to accommodate change. Even though the institutional documents analysed mostly conform to the constitutive meanings of the theoretical framework, what of concern is the lack of an adequate articulation of the concept “institutional culture”. If there is no articulation, it follows that there is an inadequate understanding of the concept. A deeper understanding is crucial if the important link between transformation and “institutional culture” is to be realised. I contend that there exists a disjunction between “institutional culture” and transformation policies. One of the reasons for this disjunction is an impoverished understanding among higher education policy practitioners of the concept “institutional culture”, which creates an impression of compliance with national policy requirements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling behels ’n konseptuele ontleding van “institusionele kultuur” in hoër onderwys, vernaamlik omdat die konsep ’n modewoord in die diskoers in hoër onderwys in Suid-Afrika geword het. Die doel was om begrip van die konsep te ontwikkel, en meer spesifiek om te ondersoek hoe institusionele kultuur in die institusionele dokumente van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch (US) en die Universiteit van die Wes-Kaap (UWK) georganiseer, saamgestel en geartikuleer word. Hierdie ondersoeke word voorafgegaan deur ‘n analise van hoër onderwys beleidsdokumente. Kritiese hermeneutiek is as navorsingsmetodologie gebruik om die konstitutiewe betekenisse van ‘institusionele kultuur’ te bepaal. Aangesien dit moeilik is om met ’n groot stel konstitutiewe betekenisse te werk, is die lys tot die vier mees herhalende betekenisse beperk, naamlik gedeelde waardes en oortuigings; taal; simbole; en die voortbring van kennis. Hierdie konstitutiewe betekenisse het die teoretiese raamwerk gevorm vir die ontleding van die institusionele dokumente. My bevindinge doen aan die hand dat al die konstitutiewe betekenisse van die teoretiese raamwerk in die institusionele dokumente van sowel die US as UWK aan bod kom, wat beteken dat die institusionele dokumente met die teoretiese raamwerk ooreenstem. Na my mening het die US ’n uitstekende en omvattende basis goed voorbereide en saamgestelde institusionele dokumente. Die meeste van hierdie dokumente blyk egter met gehalte en nakoming van nasionale beleidsvereistes verband te hou, met geen beduidende handelinge of strategieë om die uitdagings aan te pak wat met die transformasie van die US se institusionele kultuur verband hou nie. Alhoewel die US lofwaardige strategiese inisiatiewe aanwend om sy institusionele kultuur te transformeer, blyk daar nie ’n genoegsame verbintenis te wees om die uitdagings van transformasie die hoof gebied nie. Eweneens, wat UWK betref, is my argument dat alhoewel UWK verbind is tot transformasie en die kweek van ’n kultuur van verandering ten einde sin te maak van die komplekse veranderinge van die wêreld en sodanige veranderinge aan te pak, ’n meer nougesette verbintenis nodig is rakende die ontwikkeling en bestuur van strategiese leiding en beplanning ten einde ’n kultuur wat verandering tegemoet kom, te verseker. Alhoewel die institusionele dokumente wat ontleed is hoofsaaklik met die konstitutiewe betekenisse van die teoretiese raamwerk ooreenstem, is die gebrek aan voldoende artikulasie van die konsep “institusionele kultuur” rede tot kommer. Die gebrek aan artikulasie lei tot onvoldoende begrip van die konsep. ’n Grondiger begrip is noodsaaklik ten einde die belangrike skakel tussen transformasie en “institusionele kultuur” te verwesenlik. My gevolgtrekking is dat daar skeiding tussen” institusionele kultuur” en transformasiebeleide is. Een van die redes vir sogenaamde skeiding is gebrekkige begrip van die konsep “institusionele kultuur” onder hoër onderwys beleidsrolspelers, wat die idee skep van nakoming van nasionale beleidsvereistes. / Andrew Mellon Foundation