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This thesis reports on my narratively-framed PhD study in which I explored doctoral supervision using a small cultures approach (Holliday, 1999); thus, I viewed the doctoral supervision in question as dynamic emerging small cultures developing within a wider set of shaping influences. Specifically, the study sought to understand the experiences of doctoral supervision as narrated to me by some recently completed doctoral students and experienced supervisors from a public university in Malaysia, namely the International Islamic University Malaysia (hereafter known as the IIUM). My motivation for this study originated in my professional curiosity - as set against the IIUM strategic ambitions regarding internationalisation of higher education and Islamisation of Knowledge - about the development of doctoral supervision at the IIUM where I have been a member of academic staff for more than ten years and where, upon the completion of my doctoral education, I will be assuming a supervisory role. As stimulated through face-to-face, one-to-one encounters, in English and/or Bahasa Malaysia, I generated narratives of supervisory experiences from six recent graduates and three experienced supervisors. These narratives were then restoried in English and analysed using holistic-content approach (Lieblich et al., 1998) to reveal the global impression and key themes of supervisory experiences of the individual participants. Findings from the narrative analysis were first interpreted through the small cultures lens (Holliday, 1999). From the interpretation, I proposed that the emerging small cultures of doctoral supervision are characterised by the following features: the students' learning process; the supervisory styles; the supervisory roles; the supervisory relationships; and the expectation of students and supervisors. I then interpreted the narrative findings using a host culture complex model (Holliday, 1994) and identified eight cultural influences that may shape the construction of the emerging small cultures of doctoral supervision, namely: the student culture; the supervisor culture; the host university culture; the postgraduate culture; the wider learning community culture; the national host culture; the internationalisation of higher education culture; and the Islamisation of Knowledge culture. My study makes a number of contributions. In terms of cultures of supervision, it provides a detailed exploration of the emergent aspects of supervision as it develops amid a wider complex of shaping influences, and these emergent aspects and shaping influences extend the current literature regarding supervision. There are implications in these insights for supervisors and their students but also for university managers. Conceptually, the extension of the small cultures approach and host culture complex heuristic, from internationally - oriented English language education to internationally - oriented doctoral supervision, demonstrates the usefulness of this approach for practitioners in their particular contexts of practice as informed by a deeper understanding of the complexities involved rather than relying on large culture a priori characterisation. Methodologically, my study also demonstrates the feasibility and value of coupling narrative (rather than ethnographic) methods to the small cultures approach. Whilst not focused directly on internationalisation of higher education and Islamisation of Knowledge, the study does add to debates in this area with regard to the shaping influences these interlinked strategic objectives may have on doctoral supervision. Finally, my study adds a Malaysian non-Western perspective to the often Western-oriented literature on doctoral supervision.

L'Égypte semble effectuer un retour au religieux condamnant ainsi la laïcisation enclenchée par Mohammed Ali et poursuivie par ses successeurs jusqu'à Gamal Abdel Nasser. En effet, depuis les années 1970, on observe une résurgence des groupes islamistes et une réislamisation de la société et de l'État égyptien. Ce retour au religieux est analysé par certains auteurs comme la conséquence naturelle du caractère fondamentaliste de l'islam. Selon ces auteurs, l'islam possède cette particularité de lier étroitement et structurellement problèmes théologiques et problèmes politiques. Le présent mémoire s'efforce d'éviter d'essentialiser l'islam et tente de comprendre les causes sociopolitiques de la réislamisation de l'État égyptien. Plus concrètement, il analyse les motifs politiques qui ont poussé le président Sadate à introduire la Charia comme source de la législation d'abord en 1971, puis comme source principale de la législation en 1980. Ce mémoire émet l'hypothèse selon laquelle la perte de repères identitaires, l'échec du nationalisme arabe, l'accentuation des inégalités générées par la libéralisation économique et le contexte international sont des facteurs ayant contribué à la diffusion de l'islam politique en Égypte. La montée des groupes se réclamant de l'islamisme est venue remettre en cause la légitimité du régime. C'est pour « neutraliser » ce contre-pouvoir que l'État est entré dans le jeu des islamistes et a entrepris de légitimer son pouvoir par la religion. Ainsi, le caractère laïc de l'État égyptien fait désormais partie des reliques du passé. L'analyse des répercussions de l'introduction de la Charia dans la Constitution sur la laïcisation de l'État égyptien nous montre que la séparation du pouvoir politique et religieux, la neutralité de l'État vis-à-vis des différentes confessions et la liberté de conscience et de religion et l'égalité de traitement des citoyens ne sont pas respectées. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Charia, Constitution, Égypte, Islam, Laïcité.

Le Pakistan est né après que l'autorité britannique ait cessé d'exister dans le sous-continent indien dans la nuit du 15 août 1947. Le territoire du Pakistan a été renommé "la République islamique du Pakistan" le 23 mars 1956, après la promulgation de sa première constitution. L’adjectif « islamique » ajouté son nom devait incité les gouvernements à employer des registres spécifiques impliquant l'utilisation de l’Islam pour gouverner la population. En conséquence, la constitution de 1956 créa la « Islamic Law Commission » (Commission des lois islamiques) pour recommander des mesures législatives pour donner naissance à une société islamique, et examiner les lois existantes. Après l'abrogation de la constitution en 1958, la constitution suivante rédigée par le gouvernement militaire du général Ayub Khan en 1962 a transformé cette « Islamic Law Commission» (la Commission de la Loi islamique) en un « Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology » (Conseil consultatif de l’idéologie islamique) avec les mêmes missions. Après l'abrogation de cette constitution en 1969, la constitution de 1973, rédigée par le gouvernement élu de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto et qui est toujours en vigueur, l'a modifié en un « Council of Islamic Ideology » (Conseil de l‘idéologie islamique) avec de nouvelles missions. Actuellement, le conseil of de l’idéologie islamique est une organisation constitutionnelle permanente et sa mission principale est d’examiner la conformité des lois avec le Coran et la Sunna, et recommander des mesures devant être promulguées comme des lois pour promouvoir le mode de vie islamique dans le pays. Le conseil envoyait ses recommandations aux gouvernements successifs « confidentiellement » jusquen 2005, date à laquelle elles sont devenues publiques. Ces rapports fournissent d’une part un aperçu des questions auxquelles la société fut confrontée au cours de la période concernée, et ils fournissent d’autre part des données pour examiner la « mentalité » cachée des gouvernements successifs en relation avec la mise en œuvre d’une politique islamique. Cette étude met également à jour les causes de la persistance du conseil dans les constitutions successives, son évolution en tant qu’institution, et le rôle joué par le Conseil de 1956 à 1988 dans la gouvernementalité. La période choisie pour l'étude est significative dans le sens où les Pakistanais avaient hésité entre le gouvernement indirectement élu du Président Iskander Mirza, le gouvernement militaire du Général Ayub Khan avant d’élire finalement le gouvernement de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto avec le slogan de « socialisme Islamique » démis de ses fonctions par le général Zia ul Haq, autoproclamé « le soldat de l'Islam ». Cette étude s’appuie largement sur les comptes rendus du Conseil, en contrastant ses recommandations avec les législations qui ont été promulguées au nom de l’Islam, sur les archives de presse et les débats de l’assemblée législative. Elle conclut que l'existence du Conseil et son évolution en tant qu’institution montrent que le type de gouvernementalité qui utilisait l'Islam était semblable sous tous les gouvernements, indépendamment du fait qu'ils aient été directement élus, indirectement élus, ou bien des dictatures militaires. Elle démontre par ailleurs que les recommandations du Conseil ont non seulement joué un rôle important dans les législations qui ont été promulguées par les gouvernements successifs, mais qu’elles ont aussi eu un impact profond sur la cohésion même de la société pakistanaise dans les années qui ont suivi. / Pakistan came into being after the British rule ceased to exist in the Sub-continent at the night of August 15, 1947. This dominion of Pakistan was later renamed as ‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan’ on 23 March 1956 after the promulgation of its first indigenous constitution. This adverb Islamic to its name aspired from its governments to govern through specific registers which involved the use of Islam to govern population. Consequently, the constitution of 1956 provided the Islamic Laws Commission to recommend such measure that can be given legislative effect to make society Islamic and examine the existing laws. After abrogation of said constitution in 1958, the next constitution drafted by the military government of General Ayub Khan in 1962 renamed this body as Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology with likewise duties. After the abrogation of this constitution in 1969, the present constitution of 1973 drafted by the elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto renamed it as Council of Islamic Ideology with further increased duties. Presently Council of Islamic Ideology is a permanent constitutional body, and its duties are to examine the repugnancy of laws in the lights of Quran and Sunnah and recommend measures to be promulgated as legislations to promote Islamic way of life in the country. It used to send its recommendation to the respective governments ‘confidentially’ until 2005 when its earlier report since its creation were declared public formally. These reports on the one hand provide a glimpse into the issues faced by the society during those years and further provide an insight to look into the hidden mentality of respective government to govern through the politics of Islam. The study traces the causes of its persistence in the constitutions, evolution as an institution, and the role played by the Council from 1956 till 1988 in governmentality. The period selected for the study is significant in the sense that, Pakistan had vacillated between indirectly elected government of President Iskander Mirza, to military government of General Ayub Khan and elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto with the slogan of ‘Islamic socialism’ to the military government of General Zia ul Haq, self-called ‘soldier of Islam’. This study draws extensively on the proceedings of the Council by contrasting its recommendations with the legislations that were promulgated on the name of Islam, newspaper archives and the legislative Assembly debates. It concludes that the existence of the Council and its evolution as an institution shows that governmentality of using Islam was alike during all the governments irrespective of the fact that they were directly elected, indirectly elected or the military governments. It further concludes that the recommendations of the Council played not just an important role in the legislations that were promulgated by the different governments but also impacted the basic fabric of the society in the following years.

What impact does the Swedish society have on the practice of Islam? That is the main topic of this thesis. As a result of migration, the distinction between a specific region and a culture or religion has been mixed. Islam is not just part of the Middle East but is more and more institutionalized in the Western, and the Swedish society. Sweden, which is one on the most secular countries in the world, has developed into a country where the view on religion have been privatized. Religion can be practiced, but not in public. This also has an impact on the individual’s practice of Islam. To grow up in a society where the Islam is dominated in the public space and migrating to a society where there is little public support for practicing your own religion does in many ways affect the expression of Islam. The thesis is based on interviews with ten individuals practicing Islam and living in Sweden,but who have been growing up in different societies. Through the interviews there has emerged a tendency that the visible/outer practice of Islam decreases and the non-visible/inner practice are becoming more apparent. In this thesis this is de-islamisation. For example, praying five times a day is an aspect of Islam that among some of the respondents is less focused on. There is not less of Islam, but the practice of Islam has changed in a way where most of the focus is on the non-visible part of Islam.

This thesis is aimed at analysing key similarities and differences of the Englsih Defence League and the German-born social movement PEGIDA. Whereas both movements have a common goal, to stop the perceived Islamisation of their respective countries, and Europe as a whole, the means and methods vary greatly. Moreover, it is argued that the followership of said organisations differ in age, social background and motivation. Both organisations are able to exert a certain amount of influence on their supporters, the rest of the society, as well as policy- makers and the political elite. Both organisations have influenced the societal and political climate of their respective countries of origin and also in the countries in the European neighbourhood with links to individuals and organisations in North America.

This thesis is aimed at analysing key similarities and differences of the Englsih Defence League and the German-born social movement PEGIDA. Whereas both movements have a common goal, to stop the perceived Islamisation of their respective countries, and Europe as a whole, the means and methods vary greatly. Moreover, it is argued that the followership of said organisations differ in age, social background and motivation. Both organisations are able to exert a certain amount of influence on their supporters, the rest of the society, as well as policy- makers and the political elite. Both organisations have influenced the societal and political climate of their respective countries of origin and also in the countries in the European neighbourhood with links to individuals and organisations in North America.

This thesis is a comprehensive re-examination of Maritime Southeast Asia's (or the Nusantara's) Islamic conversion history between the late thirteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Traditionally, academia has attributed this event to Muslim traders and/or Sufis from either India and/or the Middle East. During the late twentieth century, however, a number of scholars began to consider the possibility of Chinese Muslim involvement. The resulting discussions focused on a re-evaluation of Javanese history in the context of attempts to re-conceptualise pre-modern Nusantara trade (considered the catalyst for Islamisation) as fundamentally orientated towards Southern China, where Muslims played a significant commercial role from the seventh through to the early fifteenth centuries. Despite the intrinsic merits of these efforts, however, they have all been limited by an overwhelming focus on Java and a tendency to examine the relevant issues over only a very narrow time span. This thesis seeks to rectify these problems. First, it will evaluate the validity of the new commercial framework over a much longer period – from the rise of Śrīvijaya in the seventh century CE to the establishment of the early seventeenth-century European trade monopolies. This longue dureé view will provide a much stronger basis for both conclusively re-orientating pre-modern Nusantaran trade towards China and also positing it as the catalyst for conversion, with Chinese Muslims at its heart. Second, the thesis will look beyond Java to examine the conversion histories of several other important Nusantara locations (Samudera-Pasai, Melaka and Brunei), as accessed through early written texts (indigenous, European and Chinese) and archaeology. The thesis then, and thirdly, couples this examination with a consideration of the Islamic influences which came to bear on the Nusantara’s early intellectual and architectural expressions of Islam. Ultimately, by taking this broad chronological, geographical and cultural approach, the thesis aims to more reliably assess the possibility that Chinese Muslims influenced the Nusantara’s initial Islamisation process.

Résumé : Suite à la première croisade (1096-1099) qui aboutit à l’établissement de quatre États latins au Proche-Orient, les chrétiens et les musulmans s’engagent durant les deux siècles suivants dans une lutte pour le contrôle du territoire syro-palestinien, également connu sous le nom de Bilâd al-Shâm. Toutefois, l’essor de nouvelles dynasties musulmanes, soit les zengides, les ayyoubides et les mameloukes, permet avec le regain du jihad une reconquête graduelle des possessions chrétiennes, mettant fin à l’existence des États latins d’Orient en 1291 malgré plusieurs croisades. Cette reconquête progressive menée par les musulmans s’accompagne de divers processus d’appropriation et de marquage de l’espace obéissant à un cadre islamique et pouvant être regroupés selon deux concepts : l’islamisation et l’arabisation. En analysant plusieurs sources chrétiennes latines, telles des chroniques, des récits de pèlerinage et des projets de croisade, nous constatons que les chrétiens affichent une certaine connaissance de ces processus d’appropriation religieuse, politique, sociale et culturelle. À la lumière des perceptions chrétiennes de l’islam et de la polémique anti-musulmane, la présente étude se penche sur les différents processus d’islamisation et d’arabisation perçus par les chrétiens latins et démontre comment ces processus sont interprétés par ces derniers. // Abstract : After the First Crusade (1096-1099) and the establishment of four Crusader states in the Near East, Christians and Muslims initiate a two century struggle for the control of the Levant, also known as Bilâd al-Shâm. However, the rise of new Muslim powers, such as the Zengid, Ayyubid and Mamluk dynasties, allows a revival of jihad and a gradual conquest of Christian territories, thus putting an end to the Crusader states in 1291. This conquest is accompanied by several mechanisms of territorial appropriation in the newly captured territories, linked to processes of Islamization and Arabization. By analyzing many Latin sources, such as chronicles, pilgrimage relations and Crusade manifestos, we find that Christians show a certain knowledge of these processes of religious, political, social and cultural appropriation. In light of Christian perceptions of Islam and of the anti-Islamic polemic, this study examines the different processes of Islamization and Arabization as seen by Christians and shows how these processes were understood.

L’islamisation est une des questions les plus intéressantes de l’histoire ottomane. La longue durée de la domination des Ottomans dans les Balkans a modifié le profil culturel et démographique de la région et l’islamisation a joué un rôle capital. Le changement de foi ne s’accompagnait pas d’un changement de langue, impossible à réaliser et qui n’intéressait pas les sociétés pré modernes comme la société ottomane. Un des groupes les plus connus à avoir été islamisé sur le territoire grec est celui des musulmans hellénophones de Macédoine occidentale, connus sous le surnom ironique de « Vallahades ». Leur langue d’origine grecque et leur maintien de nombreuses croyances chrétiennes et préchrétiennes dans leur comportement religieux les a fait paraître comme des musulmans étranges aux yeux de leurs voisins chrétiens, autant que de ceux des voyageurs et chercheurs qui se sont rendus en Macédoine occidentale au cours des deux derniers siècles de l’empire ottoman. On a ainsi formulé de nombreuses affirmations contradictoires sur leur origine, leur conversion à l’islam, leurs us et coutumes. L’objectif de la présente étude est d’analyser le processus de l’islamisation, en examinant pas à pas à travers les sources de chaque époque les conditions politiques, économiques et sociales qui ont favorisé en tant que motifs fondamentaux le changement de foi ainsi que les facteurs qui ont aidé à l’expansion de l’islam (ordres mystiques et bektachisme). Un autre objectif fondamental est de distinguer la vérité historique de la riche mythologie historique qui s’est inévitablement développée à propos des Vallahades sous l’influence de l’idéologie des États nations à partir du 18e siècle. / Islamization is one of the most interesting issues in Ottoman history. It has played a major role in the change of the cultural and demographic character of the Balkans during the long Ottoman rule of the region. Conversion in religion did not mean change in language as well. The latter was impossible to happen and it did not concern pre-modern societies like the Ottoman one. One of the best known islamized groups in Greece is the case of the Greek-speaking Muslims of western Macedonia, commonly labelled with the pejorative term “Vallahades”. Speaking Greek and maintaining numerous Christian and pre-Christian customs in their religious culture, they seemed like awkward Muslims in the eyes of their Christian neighbours, as well as in the eyes of travellers and researchers visiting the region in the last two centuries of the Ottoman empire. This led a number of contradictory theories regarding their origin, their conversion to Islam, and their culture. The aim of the present thesis is to analyse the process of Islamization and to examine step by step through the sources those political, economic and social circumstances of each period that encouraged the conversion and the general spread of Islam (mainly mystical orders and bektashism). Another important aim is to distinguish the historical truth from the legends regarding the Vallahades that inevitably flourished under the influence of the Nation-states ideology of the eighteenth century.