During the year before the 2022 Swedish parliament election, law and order is one of the most debated topics. To discuss their views on the subject, the leaders of the eight parliament parties participate in a broadcasted debate hosted by the Swedish TV channel TV4. The party leader debates are viewed as one of the most important platforms for the party leaders' communication with the voters, and the participating journalists have an important role in deciding what will be discussed, and which questions are asked.  This thesis examines how the topic of law and order is constructed by the partaking party leaders and moderating journalists during the debate. This by the use of Norman Fairclough's model for critical discourse analysis, and with the theoretical approaches of Wodak, Giddens and ‘agenda setting theory’ to examine the debate on different analytical levels. The study finds that the topic of ‘law and order’ is constructed by including the debate of immigration, which makes immigrants the group most clearly connected to the debate. We could also derive that a certain amount of ‘rhetoric of fear’ was being used during the debate, where party leaders exemplified how the viewer could be subject to crime. Lastly, a recurring construction of the topic that could be found is that tougher penalties is described as a necessary measure to fight the criminality in Sweden from both the opposition parties and the government.

No description available.

The aim of this study is to analyse the emerging discourse of ‘flight shaming’ in the climate change debate in Sweden. A discourse analysis was applied to a selection of translated printed newspaper articles from a variety of Swedish media outlets. The study found that the debate is centred around key themes or elements that help define the discourse on ‘flight shaming’. These were identified as; the ‘Greta-effect’ provoking fear in relation to climate change, the negative delivery of the climate change crisis, complexity attached to shame, metaphoric use of urgency attached to climate issues, passive phrases used to address the social norm of flying, and rhetorical devices of science communication to enhance the validity of the claims within the social context. The characteristic elements alongside the discourse’s identified contributions to the climate change debate in Sweden were also detected as; the bottom-up approach through the use of a social movement, shaming Greta through the use of language surrounding her name, the aviation industry’s effects creating change, the government’s effects triggering political reaction and the metaphors conveying urgency regarding climate change. The implications of this study can contribute to the way in which trending social climate movements can be portrayed by the media and received by the individual consumer, in working towards consideration of actions which can lead to more sustainable ways and results of domestic and international travelling.

Alors que les citoyens français se montrent plutôt enclins à la communauté européenne, et que la France poursuit son intégration et sa coopération régionales, les candidats aux élections présidentielles parlent peu de l’Europe comme d’un véritable enjeu électoral. Cette thèse étudie la place de l’Europe comme enjeu, thème et sujet électoral dans les différentes structurations du débat médiatico-politiques. Au cœur des programmes, des allocutions et des débats des candidats de diverses familles politiques, elle démontre que l’Europe est un sujet glissant, souvent relégué à la dernière place des préoccupations électorales. Un sujet qui dérange le candidat et le citoyen car son traitement politique présuppose une définition stricte du rôle de la France dans l’Europe et de la finalité de l’Europe elle-même. Un sujet qui est aussi au cœur de clivages politiques flottants. A la croisée des notions de souveraineté, d’indépendance, de grandeur voire d’identité, les analyses de la place de l’Europe dans les élections présidentielles démontrent un espace de confrontation politique quasi vide, non investi par les candidats et les électorats. Cette étude démontre que cette immersion au cœur de la problématique de la place de l’intérêt national rend compte d’un processus de désidéologisation du thème européen latent et, au regard de l’écologie électorale aux référendums européens et aux élections présidentielles suivantes, d’un repli populiste en puissance dont le traitement politique du sujet européen n’est peut-être pas le dernier responsable. Quelle France souverainiste ou européiste s’exprime dans les élections présidentielles françaises de la Ve République, pour quelle Europe ? / French citizen since the 1960s have seemed to be generally in favour of the idea of a European community, and later, the European Union. However, French politicians who have run for presidential elections did not feel the need to include Europe as an electoral topic in their campaigns. If in the 1990s, Europe did become a programmatic data, it was still not considered as a topic that could create political cleavages. This thesis studies the place of Europe as an electoral issue and as a programmatic data inside the political debates. Through the analysis of the electoral programmes, the campaign speeches, and the debates, this essay demonstrates that Europe was a delicate topic and a political space of confrontation that candidates have invested very little. Europe disturbed the candidates as well as the citizen because its political treatment presupposed a strict definition of France’s role in Europe and the purpose of Europe itself. At the crossroads of the notions of sovereignty, independence, grandeur and identity, this thesis analyzes the place of Europe in the national presidential elections. Our immersion in the heart of the issues of national interests reveals a process of desideologisation of the European theme. It also shows, in regard to the electoral ecology, that there was, during the following European referendums and presidential elections, a potential populist tendency which the political treatment of the European issue was maybe not the only culprit. Which of soverainist France or europeanist France expressed itself in the French presidential elections from the Ve republic, for which Europe?

How can things so old be so new? The revival of debates on the fate of the liberal international order has reproduced discussions about what arguably are philosophical and theoretical tensions that have existed for a very long time. Taking a point of departure in Reinhart Koselleck’s Critique and Crisis: Enlightenment and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society, this thesis aims to contribute with an understanding of how the contemporary crisis can be understood in the context of deep historical tensions, and the implications for the current debate. To fulfil this aim, I ask the question of how Koselleck’s analysis of the structures emerging from modernity can cast light on the tension between modernity and the current crisis of the liberal international order. These structures are used, with an emphasis on the need for historical context and a critical stance towards the attempt to establish universal truths, to analyse selected material from oft cited and prominent scholars of the debate. By analysing their ideas in the light of these structures, I have found that some suggested solutions to these tensions reinforce what creates the tension from the start. Another finding is that the debate, in some ways, is constrained by dichotomies and underlying universal metaphysical principles, which potentially can limit the possibility for potential change. My conclusion is that a continued renewed interest in these historical tensions hopefully can be a pathway to move beyond some of the constraints the current debate revolves around.

Sweden and its relationship with the former state church Church of Sweden and religion, is complicated. The country has been described as one of the most secular countries in the world, and yet one of the longer recurring public debates has been on the topic of whether schools’ end of year ceremonies should take place in local churches or not. The peak of this debate coincides with newly defined regulations from the Swedish National Agency for Education regarding what is considered appropriate and inappropriate religious features in school and its ceremonies. The aim of this study is to investigate how Swedish citizens contribute to this debate and to illuminate what different intents and purposes they associate with the end of year ceremony in church. The research questions asked were: What themes occur in the opinion pieces written by Swedish citizens in the years 2010–2012? What or which purposes do they ascribe to the end of year ceremony in church within these themes? In what ways can these intents and purposes be seen and understood through Grace Davie’s” Vicarious religion” and religion as a public utility? The study was conducted by performing a qualitative content analysis on 28 articles published in public debate or opinion pieces in Swedish regional press through the years 2010–2012. The result was then analyzed with Grace Davie’s theory” Vicarious religion” and the notion of religion as a public utility within that theory. The results and analysis showed that the citizens had different understandings of the political decisions that concerned the end of year ceremony, which in turn led to different opinions on the purpose of the ceremony taking place in church. The differences in opinion showed that the Swedish people considered religious features and locales as either going against the school’s non-confessional policies and the freedom of religion, or as a necessity to fulfill a culturally traditional or educational role. The citizens who want the end of year ceremonies to take place in church and potentially include religious aspects can be understood as participating in vicarious religion in the sense that they defend continued access to religious locales and features as part of education and tradition, and by consequence, religion as a useful public utility.

No description available.

Abstract   Wickzell, Arvid. Magic mushrooms or a miracle drug? The Swedish media coverage of psilocybin. Bachelor’s thesis, Umeå University, 2023.   Abstract.   This bachelor’s thesis presents a study on how Swedish mass media is covering the subject of psilocybin. With a social constructionist, critical discourse, framing and agenda setting perspective, the thesis aim is to analyze the media discourse around the subject and to answer the main research question; how does Swedish mass media report about psilocybin? The main question is followed by sub questions; (a) how is psilocybin being framed, (b) whose opinion is voiced in the media, (c) has the way mass media reports on the subject changed over time?   The research questions are answered by using quantitative research method, and critical media discourse analysis, on material from four Swedish publications, both web and print based. The material spans from the year 1995 to 2022. Results show a change over time. A higher interest in the subject, and a change in types of texts being produced. A new way to frame the subject, changing from articles mainly about psilocybin in a crime context, to articles about psilocybin in a medical context. The opinions that are being voiced in the media are mainly by scientists, medical professionals, and law enforcement.    Key words: agenda setting, drugs, debate, discourse analysis, framing, media, press, psilocybin, newspapers, Sweden.

No description available.

This thesis examines the abortion debate in Brazil within the context of Catholic and Evangelical belief systems. Using a systematic literature review and thematic content analysis, the primary objective is to illuminate the intersection of religion and the often taboo topic of abortion. Given the widespread poverty in Brazil, abortion becomes a profoundly critical issue that directly impacts the health and safety of women as it affects their ability to access medical care in safe and regulated settings, thereby reducing the risks associated with dangerous and illegal procedures. The findings underscore the substantial role played by Catholic and Evangelical belief systems in opposing the legalization of abortion, driven by their deeply held values. This influence is deeply rooted in historical opportunities seized during Brazil's democratization process. Moreover, Catholic, and Evangelical movements have demonstrated remarkable mobilization efforts, engaging in grassroots activities, and fostering mobilization within private spheres. The polarization of the abortion debate has intensified the visibility of these religious groups and mobilized their supporters in various ways. In conclusion, this study reveals that Catholic and Evangelical belief systems have emerged as influential political actors, significantly shaping public opinion and resistance to abortion legalization, even in cases where it is legally sanctioned. Given that religion's influence shows no signs of diminishing but rather continues to grow, further research in this context is crucial to understanding its profound impact on society.