Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Dahl, Erik. Second Reader: Piombo, Jessica. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 26, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Volunteer, Convergene, Real ID, National Identity Card, WHTI, Volunteer Mobilization Center, First Responder Credentialing Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-105). Also available in print.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / This thesis explores U.S.-Albanian relations, focusing on the security cooperation. Since its inception as an independent state, Albania's relations with the United States have been the focus of Albanian foreign policy. After the First World War, Albania survived as an independent state largely due to the support given to her by the United States. Albanian-U.S. relations have had their ups and downs, with the most unfortunate period being the post-World War Two period, where these relations were severed and Albania was put under communist domination for half a century. After the collapse of communism, a revitalization of U.S.-Albanian relations took place. Albania is becoming an increasingly important ally for the United States in the Balkans. The security partnership between the two countries reached a zenith during the crisis of Kosovo and was further fostered after September 11, 2001, as Albania unequivocally offered to cooperate with the United States on the war on terrorism. September 11 has changed the way the partner countries capabilities are viewed by the United States. Albania, a perceived Muslim majority country, may prove in the future to be more important to the US through Albania's contribution to the war on terrorism than through its military capabilities. / Colonel, Albanian Army

After decades in which NATO epitomized the central forum towards the pursuit of European defense, a progressing integration and enlargement process of the European Union’s defense sector has catalyzed a debate about the future of the European defense and security architecture. The implementation of collective EU defense structures like the Permanent Structured Cooperation in 2017 aggravated concerns about a duplication of needs for military and defense capabilities and consequently a diminishing role of NATO, particularly among non-EU NATO states. Taking this background into account, the study aimed to elaborate the influence of both NATO and EU – as institutions commissioned with defense and security endeavors - on their member states’ military sectors. In particular, how member states aligned their military sectors with institutional expectations towards members’ commitment and how these developments could be explained in course of a historical institutionalist approach, in particular by the concept of path dependency. For this matter, the study revisited developments in member states’ military sectors from 1996 – when the European Defense and Security Identity was agreed on – until today in a first step, connected to an analysis on the extent to which the identified developments could be traced back to the states’ membership in both NATO and EU as driving factors. By using path dependency as explanatory variable, the study ultimately aimed to identify dimensions in which a member’s commitment to EU and NATO constituted a “path” that would shape decision-making towards domestic military sectors - e.g. in form of member states’ compliance with norms and guidelines or engagement in institutions’ operations - for years to come. The cases selected for the study were France, Germany and the United Kingdom which after the Brexit is still committed to EU defense structures in course of 3rd state participation.

What explains fighter jet export policy to East Asia? The decision to export fighter jets from the United States (U.S.) to foreign countries is an important part of domestic and foreign policy. James Rosenau’s theory of linkage politics suggests that domestic and international variables may work together in complex ways to develop U.S. export policy of fighter jets. This thesis uses a comparative case study approach to examine the domestic and international factors that are influential in determining U.S. export policy of fighter jets to Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. The political actors involved in making U.S. fighter jet export policy include the Executive Branch (primarily the president and Defense Department), Congress, and interest groups representing defense companies and foreign countries. Decisions regarding U.S. export policy of fighter jets to East Asia are influenced by international factors including the need for defense cooperation and diplomacy to enhance the security of the United States and its allies against the perceived threats posed by China and North Korea. These decisions are also impacted by domestic concerns including the desire of politicians to create high paying jobs for U.S. workers, increase contracts and profits for U.S. companies, and improve their chance for reelection. Overall, domestic concerns seems as important or even more important than international concerns when it comes to making decisions about exporting fighter jets to East Asia.

The topic of this thesis is the role of Central Europe in the security-political relations focusing on the Visegrad Group as a representative of Central European regional cooperation. The thesis first describes international regimes, which the Visegrad Group belongs to, the reasons of their origin and the functions, which they have been performing. The paper also deals with the region of Central Europe, with its definition and cooperation within it. The core part of the thesis is dedicated to the Visegrad Group, to its origin, to the relations between its members and above all to its activity within the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance. The final part evaluates not only achievements and failures in security and defense aspects of Visegrad cooperation, but it also mentions new possibilities, which are currently offered to such cooperation.

Submitted by LIVIA PERES MILANI null (liviamilani@hotmail.com) on 2016-02-29T12:00:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lívia Peres Milani - Dissertação.pdf: 2231262 bytes, checksum: e5ba09ecbe64b5a60733973ce4afde88 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-02-29T17:18:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 milani_lp_me_sp.pdf: 2231262 bytes, checksum: e5ba09ecbe64b5a60733973ce4afde88 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-29T17:18:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 milani_lp_me_sp.pdf: 2231262 bytes, checksum: e5ba09ecbe64b5a60733973ce4afde88 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A dissertação tem como tema a concepção de identidade nacional e cooperação regional em Defesa dos governos de Argentina e Brasil durante o período de 2003 a 2010. O objetivo geral é analisar como os governos relacionaram a dimensão regional com a identidade nacional, na àrea de Defesa. Para tanto, buscou-se identificar se os governos de Lula e Kirchner provocaram mudanças nas representações identitárias de Argentina e Brasil com a incorporação de uma dimensão regional, como ambos os governos definiram a relação recíproca, se houve formação de novas narrativas e quais políticas foram propostas para a América do Sul. Buscou-se ainda analisar como os dois países atuaram em âmbito regional, na construção e consolidação da Unasul e do Conselho de Defesa Sul-americano (CDS), e com relação às principais crises regionais do período. A metodologia baseou-se na análise dos documentos normativos em Defesa e de pronunciamentos de representantes de Argentina e Brasil, assim como no mapeamento de suas ações durante o período. Foi necessário também contextualizar historicamente as interações recíprocas e de cada país com a América do Sul. Conclui-se que tanto no caso do Brasil como no da Argentina, a identidade nacional foi combinada com a noção de coletividade em âmbito regional, a qual se aprofundou durante o período de 2003 a 2010. Contudo, a representação coletiva continua a ser frágil e, tanto no caso do Brasil como no da Argentina, a dimensão nacional prevalece de maneira clara sobre a regional. / The main subject of the present work is Argentina and Brazil governments’ conception of national identity and regional cooperation in the period between 2003 and 2010. The main objective was to analyze in which ways the governments related the regional dimension and the national one, with emphasis in Defense cooperation. Therefore, it was intended to analyze if these governments have provoked changes in the identity representations of Brasil and Argentina, with influences in each country perception of South America, how the reciprocal relationship was defined, if there was formulated new narratives and which policies were proposed for South America. It was analyzed as well how the two countries acted in the region, in de South Defense Council (SDC) formulation and in the main regional crisis that occurred in that period. The methodology was based in documental analysis of Brazil and Argentina representatives’ pronouncements, normative defense documents and in its actions during the period. It was also necessary to contextualize historically the reciprocal interactions and the relations of each country with South America. The conclusion is that in Brazil and also in Argentina, national identity was combined with a conception of regional collectivity. Nevertheless, the collective representation remains fragile, in spite of the developments in the period between 2003 and 2010, and the national dimension prevails strongly. / El tema de la tesis de maestría es la concepción de identidad nacional y cooperación regional en Defensa de los gobiernos de Brasil y Argentina durante el período desde 2003 hasta 2010. El principal objetivo es analizar de qué manera los gobiernos relacionaron la dimensión regional con la nacional, con énfasis en el área de Defensa. Para eso, se buscó identificar si los gobiernos de Lula y Kirchner llevaron a cambios en las representaciones de identidad de Brasil y Argentina con la incorporación de una identidad regional, si hubo la formación de nuevas narrativas y cuáles fueron las políticas propuestas para la región sudamericana. Además, se buscó analizar como los dos países actuaron en el espacio regional, en la construcción e instalación del Consejo de Defensa suramericano (CDS) y en las crisis regionales que han sucedido en el período. La metodología fue basada en análisis documental de pronunciamientos de representantes de Brasil y Argentina, de documentos normativos de Defensa y también en sus acciones en el período. También fue necesario presentar la historia de las relaciones bilaterales y las maneras como los dos se han inserido en Sudamérica. La conclusión es que en Brasil y en Argentina, la identidad nacional fue combinada con una noción de colectividad en el ámbito regional, que se profundizó en el período de 2003 a 2010. No obstante, la representación colectiva es frágil y en Brasil y Argentina, la dimensión nacional prevalece sobre la regional.

Over the last decade, a confluence of strategic and security concerns has threatened the European Union’s survival both within and beyond its political dimension. As a result, security and defence have risen to the top of the EU’s political agenda, culminating in the approval of the EU Global Strategy (EUGS) in 2016. The EUGS represented a watershed moment in the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy: the EU agreed on ambitious levels of security and defence. The new policy is based on supporting capacity building among member states through instruments such as PESCO. Nonetheless, these instruments have caused variations in patterns of member state behaviour that have enhanced defense integration. This research aims to understand what was the PESCO institutional effect on Member States' preferences and how it has affected the European security and defense goals. The research highlights the role of European agencies and how they contributed to solve collective action problem through a ‘forum effect' on participants, using pro-actively the task of assessing co-operative projects proposals. As a result, PESCO’s institutional effect led to cooperative outcomes between nations that allowed them to overcome coordination dilemmas, namely uncertainty about the willingness to contribute to a common project, which is typical of defense cooperation. Here, we used Rational Choice Institutionalism theory to investigate the PESCO project structure and its interaction with the European Defence policy. Cooperation between participating member states is presented within a cooperative game action, as part of a theoretical approach to game theory. It explains formally how PESCO entails elements to overcome collective action problem among participating member states, while emphasising the institutional design that promoted the European interests, and how this has led to more Europeanised security and defence. Findings are interpreted under the Differentiated integration concept.

Diploma thesis "European collaborative defense projects and the military capacity of the EU" is dealing with the realization of cooperative projects and with their influence on the development of military capacities of the European Union member states. The author examines the economic and military advantages of international defense collaboration. The optimal way of collaboration leads to lower development and production costs, higher quality of the product and better competitiveness on the market. The author uses selected European programs to test how the results are achieved in reality. Further author identifies the goals of the European Defense and Security Policy as they were set up by the European Union. Mainly the so called Petersberg Tasks. The author examines which military capabilities the European Union needs to build in order to realize the full scope of the Petersberg Tasks and whether the realized collaborative projects enhance the capabilities of the Union for these tasks.