The daily Právo lidu (Peoples' Rights), a paper of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), started to be published 12 of May 1945, immediately after a forced break during the Second World War. However, its renewed edition did not last much longer than mere three years. After the Social Democratic Party merged with the Communist Party the newspaper was closed, or more precisely "diverted" under the auspices of Rudé právo (Red right), the central organ of the Communist Party. My aim in writing this thesis is a study of this period as such, its presentation on the pages of Právo lidu, or a presentation of some major historical events on the pages of the diary and the form of the paper itself. The work is therefore divided into two main parts. The first is a theoretical introduction describing pivotal moments in the development of post-war Czechoslovakia, where I am focusing on the description of the aspects that shaped the period, formed the internal political situation and directed the former Czechoslovakia into the Soviet Union's sphere of influence. The second part of the thesis is devoted to the very analysis of the diary in the years 1945 - 1948, its form, its way of distributing the information and describing certain political moments, as well as the anchorage of the daily in party structures. A...

This Master of Arts thesis examines how political marketing, and the Doer/Dexter model specifically, helped the NDP in Manitoba and Nova Scotia win elections from 1999 through 2007 in Manitoba and in 2009 in Nova Scotia. The study uses content analysis on the election platforms of the period and elite interviews with key political strategists of the NDP in order to gain insight and draw conclusions on what political marketing elements were critical to the party’s electoral success. This study concludes that the NDP in Manitoba and Nova Scotia used market research and a similar comprehensive political marketing strategy, now known as the Doer/Dexter model, which focused on the simplification of communication, the moderation of policy and the inoculation of any perceived weakness in order to win power. / May 2016

<p>The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are two parties with different ideological background. The parties have different opinions in issues of public and private matters. The Social Democratic Party profiles it self, through the local and national party programs, as a party for solidarity and security. The Moderate Party, on the other hand, profiles it self through their programmes as a party with a possibility for the individual to shape his or her own life. Through a survey on members in the local government, and two key persons at national level, the view of municipal self-government has appeared. The party programmes constitute a platform for the parties´ views on municipal self-government. These views have been put together with the result of the survey. Urban Strandberg has designed an analysis frame related to municipal self-government. His concept, municipalities’ basic character, board of directors and administration, is the theoretical foundation of the thesis. The content of the Party programmes and the results of the survey are thendiscussed within the frame of Strandbergs concept and Demokratiutredningens rapport SOU 2000:1. From the collective perspective of the theory, the content of party programmes and the result of the survey an image of the parties’ views on municipal self-government starts to grow. Within each party respectively, they keep a common strategy in important issues, which the local governments and the parties’ basic characters have raised. There are dividing lines due to the administration of the municipalities. Civic participation unites the parties in ideological issues. The opinions, in the issue of municipal self-government, differs between the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party. The reason for that is because of their fundamental different views in the fields of social order and ideology, as it is described in the party programmes. In reality when the parties shape the politics they cannot profile themselves as much as in the"vision"in their party programmes. The parties have to find a middle course, which is reflected in the answers from some of the respondents.</p>

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form. The rhetoric realm is influenced by too many external factors, such as the media, which makes it impossible to speak of it as one. The analysis revealed that the language of the 1th may-speeches is characterized by the people who use it. It is inevitable that the speaker puts his utmost emphasis, in both language and speeches. It would require a larger and more comprehensive analysis to allow any conclusions about a social-democratic language.Keywords: Rhetorical situation, genre, ethos-logos-pathos, 1th May, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, Tage Erlander, Olof Palme, Håkan Juholt

To understand the dynamics of legislative gridlock, as well as account for the mixed and often conflicting findings in the divided government literature, this paper posits that the previous unidimensional approach of using divided government as an explanatory variable of interest fails to accurately reflect the changing realities of American politics since WWII. Two new and interlocking conceptual approaches are introduced that expand the dimensionality of legislative gridlock: ideological polarization explained through the temporal shift of political parties from a party system of moderation and universalistic policy outputs, to one where particularistic goals became much more common. As studies of divided government center on temporally-bound concepts, they ignore most of the inter- and intra-party variation evident throughout the latter 20th century. / text

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This essay is regarding the problematic facts about child poverty in Sweden. Since the beginning of the new millennium child poverty has increased, in Sweden. The last report which came out in the spring this year (2012) opened up for a lively political debate as well as big headlines in news papers and other media. The attention it got in Society became hard for the politicians to avoid. The Swedish section of Save the Children, demanded in their report concerning child poverty in Sweden that the Swedish Government need to do an inquiry about the increasing child poverty.    Today in Sweden, there are two big parties, and they have been the biggest for a long time now. The two are Socialdemokraterna and Moderata Samlingspartiet. The first mentioned one is representing a socialist policy whilst the second one is representing a right-wing party. This study will deal with whether the parties have changed over time or not. The big question will be whether they have changed their opinions and positions since the beginning of 1960. This year is chosen in particular because it was during this period the largest development of the welfare state of Sweden started. It will be about if the parties changed according to, in particular poverty in Sweden. There are two main questions that I intend to answer throughout the text, to finally analyze the questions in the last part of this essay.

Like its counterparts in other provinces, the Alberta New Democratic Party has a formal relationship with organized labour. This thesis will examine the logic of the underlying relationship that persists between the two parties despite the difficult political and economic environment in Alberta. This thesis will discuss the complex and changing relationship between labour and the NDP in Alberta, making use of data from a variety of sources, but will rely heavily on data gathered from a series of interviews conducted with union and party officials in 2008. The thesis will deal particularly with the increasing fragmentation of the union movement in Alberta and the increasing independence of labour union campaigns during elections as challenges for the Alberta NDP in the future. / vi, 176 leaves ; 29 cm

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 1996. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Die Arbeit behandelt die Entwicklung der sächsischen FDP seit 1990. SIe geht der Frage nach, wie und ob es den Liberalen gelang, nach den desaströsen Wahlergebnissen in den 1990er Jahren im politischen System Sachsen eine Etablierung zu erzielen.