The EU, over time, has garnered international recognition and acclaim as a successful agent of democratisation in third countries. The transitions of Greece, Spain and Portugal in the 1980s coupled with the recent Eastern enlargements of the EU into erstwhile communist space attest to the success of the EU in fostering tangible democratisation. However, as the EU rapidly approaches its institutional capacity, questions remain as to its viability as an agent of democratisation in the post-enlargement setting where the EU can no longer offer full membership as an incentive for political and economic reform. This thesis attempts to examine the viability of the EU as a democratic facilitator in the post-enlargement setting, through examination of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), a policy described by the EU as ‘everything but institutions’. Two mechanisms of normative transfer relative to the ENP were identified in the literature: conditionality, where the EU attaches incentives for successful political and economic reform, and socialisation, a newer notion whereby norms are transferred via interaction through generating close links with domestic actors. It was ascertained that in the context of the ENP, socialisation represented the dominant mechanism for normative change; conditionality was still utilised as a mechanism, however its scope had reduced greatly. To illuminate the phenomenon of EU democratic promotion, the case study of Armenia was chosen, a small but politically intriguing state in the EU’s Eastern Neighbourhood which had experienced (as is the case with the majority of post-Soviet states) stagnation and regression of the democratisation process since independence. Two facets of the EU’s democratisation strategy inherent in the ENP were chosen as empirical research areas: free and fair elections and interaction with domestic civil society organisations (CSOs). Free and fair elections offered evaluation of the conditionality aspects of the ENP through examining the 2008 Armenian presidential election. Interaction with domestic Armenian CSOs presented a rich phenomenon to examine the impact of socialisation in the ENP through utilising a case study examining four democratically minded NGOs. Ultimately, this thesis contends that through the ENP, the EU can no longer effectively wield conditionality as a viable mechanism of normative change and currently lacks the tools or a suitable environment to initialise normative transfers through socialisation. Consequently, it is argued that the EU has had little effect in facilitating democratisation in Armenia since the advent of the ENP.

This thesis examines the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The relationship between the state and civil society is discussed under the categories of the concepts democratisation, good governance and sustainable development. The nature of the relationship between the state and civil society in Africa is examined to set out parameters for state-civil society debate in Zimbabwe. The discussion of the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe is synthesised into three parts, the post-independence era, the post-1990s and the post-2000. From these discussions it is argued that the relationship between the state and civil society was peaceful in the first decade of independence and this was because the state maintained dominance and control over all sectors of civil society. However, the 1990s saw a collapse of peaceful relations between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The collapse of the peaceful relationship between the state and civil society came as a result of the country’s economic decline and the authoritarian practices in Zimbabwe, which saw the emergence of a confrontational civil society towards the state. In the early 2000s, it is observed that the state became repressive towards civil society through the introduction of repressive laws which include Access to Information and Privacy Act (AIIPA) and the Public Order and Security Act (POSA). For peaceful relations between the state and civil society to exist in a sustainable manner, the state must continuously promote and practice democracy and good governance. In addition, the state should play a pivotal role of enhancing sustainable development in a manner that meets the socio-economic realities of its population. / Thesis (M.A. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011

This thesis examines the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The relationship between the state and civil society is discussed under the categories of the concepts democratisation, good governance and sustainable development. The nature of the relationship between the state and civil society in Africa is examined to set out parameters for state-civil society debate in Zimbabwe. The discussion of the relationship between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe is synthesised into three parts, the post-independence era, the post-1990s and the post-2000. From these discussions it is argued that the relationship between the state and civil society was peaceful in the first decade of independence and this was because the state maintained dominance and control over all sectors of civil society. However, the 1990s saw a collapse of peaceful relations between the state and civil society in Zimbabwe. The collapse of the peaceful relationship between the state and civil society came as a result of the country’s economic decline and the authoritarian practices in Zimbabwe, which saw the emergence of a confrontational civil society towards the state. In the early 2000s, it is observed that the state became repressive towards civil society through the introduction of repressive laws which include Access to Information and Privacy Act (AIIPA) and the Public Order and Security Act (POSA). For peaceful relations between the state and civil society to exist in a sustainable manner, the state must continuously promote and practice democracy and good governance. In addition, the state should play a pivotal role of enhancing sustainable development in a manner that meets the socio-economic realities of its population. / Thesis (M.A. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011

In the context of democratisation in the early 1990s, the governments in Central and East Europe (CEE) had to decide how to deal with property that had been confiscated under state socialism. Nationalised housing and collectivised land were to a varying extent returned to former owners and their heirs by means of restitution, as well as being distributed to other citizens who were in possession of the users’ rights to such properties. This thesis examines the spatial impacts, in terms of ownership patterns, of the way the redistribution of nationalised housing and collectivised land has been dealt with politically and at the local level in post-socialist Romania. It also locates the Romanian property reforms in relation to those of the rest of CEE. The impact of political directives on the property redistribution is analysed in relation to both structural influences, such as democratisation and antecedent property regimes, and implementation patterns in varied place-contexts. The thesis demonstrates that restitution was stifled due to disagreements between leftist and rightist political blocs, with the latter arguing for restitution whilst their opponents wrote the first restitution laws. A re-privatisation law allowed for the public sale of nationalised housing to tenants and thereby blocked the implementation of a restitution law, thus constituting a dilemma for constitutional democracy. In liberal place-contexts in West Romania, these obstacles to housing restitution were in part avoided. By contrast, land restitution was most widespread in the east, a stronghold of the left. This was because the legislation gives priority to restitution in areas of this kind, where smaller land-holdings dominated prior to 1945. The left-wing government pursued an electoral strategy of distributing small properties to a large number of citizens, and to current users in particular. This resulted in a fragmentation of historical property.

In less than ten years, Aljazeera television has become the most popular satellite news service in the Arab world. Regimes around the region have regarded Aljazeera as a threat, while Aljazeera has consistently claimed that it is simply reporting the truth. Notwithstanding this, Aljazeera has successfully established its presence in the media world despite the controversies surrounding its professional approach and the hammering criticism that has been directed to it in both the Middle East and the West. This research explores the thesis that Aljazeera is a catalyst of democratisation and social and political change in the Arab world. As a recent media phenomenon, Aljazeera has been playing a critical role in changing the social and political values of societies in the Arab world and viewers’ perceptions of a range of social and cultural topics relating to human rights, equality, diversity, gender, employment and exploitation. It is said that through its persistent campaigns to raise the awareness of its increasingly broadening viewer base to these issues, Aljazeera has created a new public sphere in the Arab countries that are traditionally and historically non-democratic in the least and despotic and dictatorial in the extreme. It became “[the] arena within which debate occurs...” (Hartley, 2002, p.191) between viewers who share in the process of discourse to communicate and debate. In this context Aljazeera provided a public forum for Arab viewers to express their views and address a range of sensitive and controversial issues. Consequently, it is the perception of democracy that Aljazeera seems to be fostering in the Arab world, which is leading to a sense of empowerment at the individual level. The research sought to examine this phenomenon through a field study that garnered vital data from a representative sample of 600 viewers of Aljazeera, including 100 media professionals, in four Arab countries: Egypt, Jordan, United Arab Emirates, and Qatar, and amongst the Arab diaspora (with the Australian Arabs as a focus group). The data was analysed against a media model that was developed specifically for that purpose. The findings support the research hypothesis that Aljazeera is a catalyst of democratisation and socio-political change.

Dans les années d’après-guerre entrent en ligne de compte des données démographiques et économiques nouvelles qui font évoluer la société française et lui imposent d’adapter son système éducatif, de décloisonner les disciplines et de favoriser l’interdisciplinarité. Seule l’école peut vaincre le déterminisme social lié à la naissance. C’est le colloque d’Amiens (1968) qui pose les bases d’une réflexion qui a nourri toutes les avancées sur l’éducation artistique depuis. Les années 70 sont celles de la réforme pour l’Education nationale et celles de la réflexion et des premières expérimentations pour la Culture. Les années 80 marquent une réelle ouverture de l’école, que ce soit vers les établissements culturels, à l’intervention de partenaires extérieurs au milieu scolaire ou à de nouvelles matières. Ouverture, mais aussi compromis entre les acteurs. Le protocole d’accord d’avril 1983 signé entre le ministère de la Culture et celui de l’Education nationale et la loi sur les enseignements artistiques de 1988 ont cédé aux compromis. Dans les années 90, penser l’éducation artistique de manière globale et à l’échelle d’un territoire apparaît comme le meilleur moyen de faire travailler ensemble les écoles et les équipements culturels à l’échelle d’une ville, d’un département ou d’une région, de garantir un maillage parfait du territoire et donc d’atteindre à la démocratisation culturelle. Mais finalement s’impose surtout le constat d’un empilement quelque peu désordonné des dispositifs. Le plan Lang/Tasca qui doit se réaliser sur cinq ans à partir du 14 décembre 2000 ouvre un nouveau chapitre. Mais l’exécution de ce nouveau plan n’est pas garantie par sa décision. / After the 2nd world war, the french society has to deal with new demographic and economic datas. It has to be taken into account by the french education system which should adapt, break down barriers between disciplines and promote intedisciplinary because just school can overcoming social determinism linked at birth. The Amiens’ symposium (1968) lays the foundation for reflection which fed all the thoughts about artistic education. The seventies see the amendment for School and first thinking and experimentations for Culture. Eighties tag an actual opening of school for cultural institutions, the mediation of external partners and new topics. Opening, but also agreement between all the characters. The protocole d’accord signed in April 1983 between ministry of culture and ministry of education and the law about arts education (1988) are the results of an agreement. In the nineties, thinking globally about arts education and on a territory scale seem to be the best way to make work together schools, cultural facilities and to ensure a perfect network coverage, and so to reach cultural democratisation. But actually, we observe a stack of messy contracts. The plan Lang/Tasca which should come true till december 14, 2000, opens a new chapter. But the achievement of that brand new plan is not insured by its decision.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:39:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissDSBS.pdf: 20584156 bytes, checksum: 508a223dcddd57ed94f3ad666e598374 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-12-08 / This work approaches the theme of Democratic Management focusing on the question of a School Director election. We questioned about which were the implications involved in the process of electing directors and whether this process contributed to the democratisation of school management. Our aim was to analyse and discuss the open election process for school principals that took place in municipal institutions of the São Carlos municipal teaching network, which it was the first attempt of filling these positions in São Carlos. In order to carry out this research, we started analysing documents such as: the guidelines for the election, which were published as a degree, the final report on the election process, and the data was also collected using semi-scripted interviews, carried out in two stage. At first stage, the researcher analised data regarding the work done by group of Public Policies and Education Management group at UFSCar (Federal University of São Carlos) in cooperation with the General Office Municipal of Education. This data is about the studentes parents , teachers , principals and workers insight, as to the election. In the second stage of collecting data, we interviewed again the same principals, although some of them had already left their jobs. In order to better understand this election process, we also obtained data related to the point of view of the council and the Secretary of Education. The results showed us that the case of the principals was not renewed; the period in which the process was carried out was very short; the participation in debates throughout the presentation of proposals was low. Thus the election process favoured the participation and the opportunity to choose. To conclude, the open election for school principals in the municipal of Sao Carlos was conflicting representing a contradictory case as the data collected showed progress and failures related to the experience of the process and also to the fact that there was not another election process and it still went back to what it was before an indication as a way of choosing the school principal. / Este trabalho aborda a temática Gestão Democrática enfocando a questão da Eleição de diretores escolares. Ao questionarmos sobre quais foram as implicações do processo de eleição de diretores e se esse processo apontou para uma democratização da gestão escolar, tivemos como objetivo analisar e discutir o processo de eleição direta de dirigentes escolares que ocorreu nas unidades municipais da rede de ensino do Município de São Carlos, uma vez que essa forma de provimento de cargo de diretores foi a primeira experiência na referida rede. Para a realização deste trabalho de pesquisa partimos da análise de documentos como as diretrizes para a eleição divulgadas por meio de portaria, o relatório final do processo de eleição e dados coletados por meio de entrevistas, pautadas em roteiro semi-estruturado e realizadas em duas etapas. Na primeira etapa a pesquisadora analisou dados estes referentes ao trabalho realizado pelo grupo de Políticas Públicas e Gestão de Educação da UFSCar em colaboração com a Secretaria de Educação Municipal de São Carlos. Esses dados dizem respeito a visão dos pais de alunos, professores, diretores e funcionários quanto a eleição. Na segunda etapa de levantamento de dados, voltamos a entrevistar os dirigentes da primeira etapa, embora algumas diretoras não ocupassem mais a função. Para maiores esclarecimentos sobre este processo de eleição também obtivemos dados referentes ao ponto de vista do Prefeito e da Secretária da Educação. Os resultados nos mostraram que o quadro de dirigente não foi renovado; o período no qual se realizou o processo foi muito curto; a participação nos debates durante a apresentação das propostas foi baixa. No entanto, o processo de eleição favoreceu o exercício da participação e a oportunidade de escolha. Concluindo, a eleição direta para dirigentes escolares no município de São Carlos foi conflituosa representando um quadro contraditório, pois os dados coletados indicaram avanços e falhas no que se refere a experiência do processo e também ao fato de que não houve outro processo de eleição e ainda por voltar ao que era antes: indicação como forma de escolha do dirigente escolar.

This thesis explores the relations between democracy and decentralization in Venezuela during the period from 1989 to 2000. In particular it explores the emergence of political decentralization as the spatial distribution of power and its links with the process of democratization within political spaces. The spatial distribution of power has impacts upon both political institutions and civil society. This is where its central importance lies. Because of this, the framework of ideas underlying the thesis is followed within a methodologicalf ocus that emphasizesb oth the potency of the spatial, as a guiding element of politics and the political, and the local scale and the political practice of individuals. The backgroundt o the study is establishedth rough an explorationo f territoriality and the spatiality of power in Venezuela during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This is followed by an analysis of the centralist form of the state and the state reforms which were promoted at the end of the 1980s and which gave rise to the political decentralization of 1989 at the level of states and municipalities. The main period of study (1989-2000) is divided into three stages according to the dynamics of the process of democratization itself. Finally, the changes occurring at the local level through the application of decentralization are analyzed through a case study at the level of the municipality and of the parish: the Libertador municipality of the state of Mdrida and the parish of J. J. Osuna Rodriguez. The specific local examples explored in the thesis allow highlighted the ways in which clientelism can be associated with the vertical structures of power that have predominated in Latin America. Nevertheless, whilst its importance has been highlighted here through an understanding of the process of democratisation on the South American continent, it is interesting to note that it is not often explicitly considered as another mode of power in western political theory.

Big Data refers to large unstructured datasets from multiple dissimilar sources. Using Big Data Analytics (BDA), insights can be gained that cannot be obtained by other means, allowing better decision-making. Big Data is disruptive, and because it is vast and complex, it is difficult to manage from technological, regulatory, and social perspectives. Big Data can provide decision-makers (knowledge workers) with bottom-up access to information for decision-making, thus providing potential benefits due to the democratisation of decision-makers in data-driven decision-making (DDD). The workforce is enabled to make better decisions, thereby improving participation and productivity. Enterprises that enable DDD are more successful than firms that are solely dependent on management's perception and intuition. Understanding the links between key concepts (Big Data, democratisation, and DDD) and decision-makers are important, because the use of Big Data is growing, the workforce is continually evolving, and effective decision-making based on Big Data insights is critical to a firm's competitiveness. This research investigates the influence of Big Data on the democratisation of decision-makers in data-driven decision-making. A Grounded Theory Method (GTM) was adopted due to the scarcity of literature around the interrelationships between the key concepts. An empirical study was undertaken, based on a case study of a large and leading financial services organisation in South Africa. The case study participants were diverse and represented three different departments. GTM facilitates emergence of novel theory that is grounded in empirical data. Theoretical elaboration of new concepts with existing literature permits the comparison of the emergent or substantive theory for similarities, differences, and uniqueness. By applying the GTM principles of constant comparison, theoretical sampling and emergence, decision-makers (people, knowledge workers) became the focal point of study rather than organisational decision-making processes or decision support systems. The concentrate of the thesis is therefore on the democratisation of decision-makers in a Big Data environment. The findings suggest that the influence of Big Data on the democratisation of the decisionmaker in relation to DDD is dependent on the completeness and quality of the Information Systems (IS) artefact. The IS artefact results from, and is comprised of, information that is extracted from Big Data through Big Data Analytics (BDA) and decision-making indicators (DMI). DMI are contributions of valuable decision-making parameters by actors that include Big Data, People, The Organisation, and Organisational Structures. DMI is an aspect of knowledge management as it contains both the story behind the decision and the knowledge that was used to decide. The IS artefact is intended to provide a better and more complete picture of the decision-making landscape, which adds to the confidence of decision-makers and promotes participation in DDD which, in turn, exemplifies democratisation of the decisionmaker. Therefore, the main theoretical contribution is that the democratisation of the decisionmaker in DDD is based on the completeness of the IS artefact, which is assessed within the democratisation inflection point (DIP). The DIP is the point at which the decision-maker evaluates the IS artefact. When the IS artefact is complete, meaning that all the parameters that are pertinent to a decision for specific information is available, then democratisation of the decision-maker is realised. When the IS artefact is incomplete, meaning that all the parameters that are pertinent to a decision for specific information is unavailable, then democratisation of the decision-maker breaks down. The research contributes new knowledge in the form of a substantive theory, grounded in empirical findings, to the academic field of IS. The IS artefact constitutes a contribution to practice: it highlights the importance of interrelationships and contributions of DMI by actors within an organisation, based on information extracted through BDA, that promote decisionmaker confidence and participation in DDD. DMI, within the IS artefact, are critical to decision-making, the lack of which has implications for the democratisation of the decisionmaker in DDD. The study has uncovered the need to further investigate the extent of each actor's contribution (agency) to DMI, the implications of generational characteristics on adoption and use of Big Data and an in-depth understanding of the relationships between individual differences, Big Data and decision-making. Research is also recommended to better explain democratisation as it relates to data-driven decision-making processes.

"The writing of constitutions in Africa in the 1990s seems to have become fashionable after years of political wilderness following decades of one-party rule, military dictatorships and no-party regimes. African states engaged in the process of crafting new and democratic constitutions in search of democratic and legitimate governance based on the free will of the peoples, and to foster democratic traditions. Transition to democracy is a sacred undertaking, the challenge of which is to develop constitutional and institutional mechanisms in the hope of building viable and durable democratic values and practices that would guarantee political stability, peaceful and orderly change of government, the rule of law and the complete respect for human rights. Constitution-making must be seen as a means of bringing peace and creating a stable and prosperous African continent where the people take charge of the governance and their political and economic destiny in complete freedom. This study inquires into the extent to which this goal has been achieved, with particular reference to Swaziland and Uganda. Swaziland is the only absolute monarchy in the Southern Africa region after Lesotho adopted a democratic constitution in 1993, with the King becoming a constitutional monarch. Uganda has been operating under the Movement Political System (MPS) that, until recently, did not allow free political activity. ... The study is divided into five chapters. Chapter 1 focuses on the circumstances (context) and gives an overview of the organizational structure. Chapter 2 deals with the concepts and basic principles of constitutionalism, democracy, and human rights. Chapter 3 scrutinises the legislative mechanisms that set the process in motion and how the constiutional mandate was executed. The chapter considers the effect of the enabling legislation on ratification and implementation of the rights enshrined in the African Charter. It also looks at the role of civil society in influencing the process. To a limited extent, a comparative case study of other processes in Africa, especially the South African and Zambian experiences, is made. Chapter 4 is a discussion of human rights instruments providing for the right to participate; article 13 of the African Charter, article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) as well as article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR). A discussion of the content and meaning of the right to participate in international law is made, focusing on the jurisprudence of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, as well as the jurisprudence of the Human Rights Committee (HRC). Chapter 5 is conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Henry Onoria at the Faculty of Law, Peace and Human Rights Centre, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM