In the last decade, social movements have demonstrated their power of bringing change to societies, often in terms of democratization. At the same time, the level of democracy in the world has been established as decreasing. It is therefore interesting to study whether the increase of social movements is related to the decline of democracy. The aim of this thesis was thus to explore the perception of democracy amongst activists in a social movement calling for democratization. This was done by conducting semi-structured interviews with activists of varying degrees of participation in the Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020. The results of the study indicated that a majority of the activists regarded democracy from the perspective of liberal democracy, stressing the importance of elections and protection of human rights through a well-grounded constitution. Nevertheless, some of the respondents sought more than a fundamental description of democracy, incorporating elements of deliberation and participation as well. The Hong Kong protests 2019 – 2020 have not seen the end yet. Likewise, the existence of social movements will forever remain through variations of repertoires. The significance of what conception of democracy motivates activists to organise themselves through civil society movements remains to be academically covered in full. Thus, future studies of democratization should continue to shed light on the role of the civil society in democratization processes.

Wars involving either Russia or the United States have been a mainstay of the 20th and 21st centuries, since the end of World War II, in their search of hegemonic dominance over the international world order. This search for supremacy has generated numerous questions regarding whether Russia or the United States should be viewed as Empires. When the question of Empire arises it tends to focus on how the indigenous populations that reside in these war zones may be affected. However, the question of how indigenous forces are used as a way to examine if states accept or deny imperial responsibility/empire is not a widespread topic. Therefore, this thesis is intended to answer that question. In the process it examines three case studies per country. First, looking at Russia's case studies: Afghanistan, Chechnya, and Crimea. Second, examining the United States' case studies: Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. The research conducted for this thesis has provided a number of key findings regarding both countries. It has demonstrated, on the one hand, that Russia has created a framework for imperialization, which can be tailor fitted to the socio-cultural landscape of any state they desire to add to their imperial body. Consequently, this state should instead be viewed as the Neo-Russian Empire; a state that...

Military Democratic Intervention is a common strategy of foreign interaction especially since World War II. However, the question why some interventions are successful in implementing democracy and others are still not answered satisfactorily. Whereas the scientific debate so far focused on mission specific characteristics including variables such as personnel or financial equipment of interventions, the underlying assumption of this work is that external democratized countries need to exhibit the same preconditions as countries internally democratized. Therefore, the transition and state-building literature is investigated and five clusters of preconditions for successful democratization is developed. With a Qualitative Comparative Analysis, a dataset comprising 27 cases, eight variables and the outcome variable, the author provides evidence for the significance of all five clusters. Most importantly, the level of human development and modernization as well as the predecessor regime type and the experience with democratic experience strand out. Further, the combination of the variables of high GDP, an ethnically homogeneous society and a democratically ruled neighborhood are identified as variables sufficiently influencing successful democratization after a military intervention. These results...

The Egyptian authoritarian regime is a mammoth machine created and headed by President Hosni Mubarak as an instrument for the exercise of his own power. His ability to influence every facet of the character of Egypt lies in his previous career experience, the involvement in politics of his immediate family, his commitment to unpopular but lucrative foreign policies, and the bureaucratic obstacle course he created for opposition entities to navigate. Through persistent efforts to prepare himself for national leadership prior to gaining power, then to consolidate his power in the institutions of Egypt, Mubarak has built a state organization with a solid legal basis for suppression of opposition. Using an extensive system of patronage, Mubarak maintains elite support for his continued control of the state. Sustained adherence to the 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty brings Egypt significant foreign aid that compensates for some of its economic shortfalls, and affords Mubarak the opportunity to serve as a regional partner in advancing the Middle East Peace Process, reinforcing Mubarak's fitness to rule on the international stage. The maintenance of a pervasive and fiercely loyal security apparatus also gives Mubarak the ability to disrupt any internal opposition activity before it can fully mobilize a call for change. The manner in which Mubarak crafted a democratic facade to cover his authoritarian regime is an artful nod to the Third Wave of democratization; he recognized that to remain in power in the 21st century, Egypt must be perceived as democratic in nature by the international community. That election irregularities, policy barriers to political participation, and single-party control of the legislature prevent the creation of a truly representative government is an important but difficult to prove fact that Mubarak's facade democratic motions are designed to disguise. It is prudent to consider how Mubarak's exit from Egyptian politics will affect the authoritarian system he has built and managed since 1981. The likely accession of his son, Gamal, will keep most power guarantors in place, but the globalizing forces of this century will require a fresh approach to managing domestic, international, and global relations.

One of the aims of education is to cultivate democratic citizens in the interest of consolidating and expanding a democratic ethos in society, yet the democratic purpose and societal contribution of music education in public schools have not been fully explored. This philosophical research addresses the unique capacity of music education for enhancing democratic values in societies where issues caused by diversity and difference prevail. This work takes note of the fact that although music teachers have recently shown greater awareness and understanding of the diversification and differences of students, they continue to struggle with handling associated issues adequately. This failure to deal with diversity effectively has led to the exclusion and discrimination of certain individuals or groups in music classrooms and resulted in hindering the realization of democratic values of equality. To rectify these problems, I argue that the purpose of music education and its principles must be reframed and reconsidered using a democratic lens. This thesis first undertakes an analysis of the association of music education with democracy by classifying various music education practices according to types of political systems (e.g., monarchy, oligarchy, and democracy) and analyzing music education philosophies that have supported those music education practices. This examination and analysis will lead to identifying the purpose and principles of democratic music education. Second, this work demonstrates how music education might contribute to the democratization of society with a two-layered goal: democratization through the pursuit of psychosocial equilibrium and democratization through the transformation of nondemocratic realities. The final section of this thesis offers examples of democratic music educational practices in music appreciation, performance, and composition education. / Graduate

By exploring the upsurge of the new wave of ethno-nationalism and its effect on institutions of democracy in Ethiopia, this study attempts to contribute to the study of fragile democracy in highly divided states. Methodologically, it is qualitative research where key informant interviews and literature review were employed to collect the needed data. Nine participants including researchers, analysts, and journalists participated in the key informant interview. Ethiopia, the second-most populous African country, is a multi-national ancient country with a long history of statehood. The country’s fragile nature of democracy is suffering from shrinking political space. The national election was postponed twice, and the popular political parties withdrawn from the rescheduled election. Unfortunately, this was accompanied by the unfolding ethnic conflicts in different parts of the country and it is reported that election will not be conducted in places under conflict. These have overshadowed Ethiopia’s transition to democracy which was hailed across the country and beyond in 2018 and 19. The conventional wisdom employed often in elaborating challenges to democratization has been pointing fingers at the incumbent regime. This research, however, argues that though the incumbent government, as the dominant actor should take its share of responsibility, the problem in Ethiopia is beyond that. The deeply entrenched institutionalization of ethnicity; contradictory interpretation of historical narratives; accumulated age-old grievances, and polarized relations among the actors are the factors for the crisis that has been threatening to tear the country apart. The role of economic inequality, corruption, soaring inflation and unemployment have been significant by creating enabling environment for the mobilization of lumpen youth for violent conflict. Apart from that, due to the country’s strategic location in the volatile Horn of African region and the hydro-politics, the regional and international political dynamics have also been impacting peace and development in Ethiopia. This study argues bailing the country out of this crisis and preventing potential disintegration needs deepening democracy and a change of political culture at the national level. Strengthening the role of CSOs and enhancing support from the international community will also be decisive.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 乙第12940号 / 論地博第18号 / 新制||地||62(附属図書館) / 32150 / (主査)教授 玉田 芳史, 准教授 岡本 正明, 准教授 中西 嘉宏 / 学位規則第4条第2項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DFAM

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The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the Russian culture and citizens' perceived fairness of the new Criminal Procedural Code of Russia of 2001 (CPC of 2001). The CPC of 2001 is a key policy in the Russian criminal law reform with the purpose of implementing adversarial procedure elements in Russia. The existing literature has documented the lack of public support along with observed violations of the CPC's major provisions which as made this an important area for study. It is theorized that the apparent contradiction between the underlying values of the Russian culture, and CPC's adversarial procedure that reflects anti-cultural values, are responsible for the lack of substantial public support and acceptance of the CPC of 2001. The theory of motivational values developed by Schwartz (1990) is used as a framework to examine the Russian culture. Damaska's (1986) theory of procedural models is used to examine the adversarial elements of the new CPC of 2001. The group value theory of fairness is employed to examine the relationships between Russian cultural values and the public opinion about the criminal procedural law (Lind & Tyler, 1988). The study used a multi-stage stratified random sample of 1,588 Russian residents to explore the relationship between the culture and the perceived fairness of the CPC of 2001. The sample is representative of the Russian Federation population. The data is analyzed through four structural-equation models, a set of non-parametric tests, and descriptive statistical analysis. The findings of this thesis confirmed that cultural values in Russia are predominantly collective. On average, 69% of Russian respondents reported that collective values play a very important role in their life. The type of prevailing values was dependent on the demographic characteristics of the sample: age, gender, place of residence, level of education, marital status, and household income. It was found that the majority of Russian citizens believe that the inquisitional criminal procedure is an ideal of fair law. On average, 72% supported the inquisitorial procedural model in Russia. Unlike the adversarial procedure, the inquisitorial procedural model is not based on competition between the equal parties of prosecution and defense. Instead, it is viewed as a cooperative process between the judge, prosecutor and defense in their inquiry into the circumstances of the case. The adversarial procedural model was not supported by most citizens. Only 33.5% reported that the adversarial procedural model can be considered fair. The study corroborated that the new CPC was not fully supported by the majority of respondents. An average of 27.5% of respondents in Russia reported that the CPC of 2001 is a fair law, in comparison to 72.5% who think that the CPC of 2001 is unfair. The findings validated that the CPC of 2001's inclusion of adversarial procedural elements contradict key values of the contemporary Russian culture. It is concluded that the CPC of 2001 should be reformed to facilitate citizen acceptance. Greater acceptance will support the attempt to advance the democratization of the criminal process through increased civil rights while simultaneously enhancing positive social control. It is proposed that the planned policy reforms that contain additional elements of the adversarial criminal procedure be introduced in a phased manner. It is also recommended that the adversarial procedure values should be publicized through public awareness educational programs. The data analysis also suggests that confounding factors such as citizen distrust of the criminal justice institutions can contribute to problems associated with acceptance of the criminal law reform. The research model developed for this study can be used to examine policies related to criminal law reform in other former Soviet Union countries.

Ever since its establishment, the European Union has consistently advocated its values of democracy and freedom. Over the course of the last ten years, however, these values have come to be challenged by democratic backsliding, which constitutes a new phenomenon within the Union. One of the countries that has been subject to the most severe democratic decline is Poland, which today no longer classifies as a consolidated democracy. Despite Poland´s repeated neglect of the EU values, the fulfillment of which is required to join, Poland is still a full-fledged member of the EU.  The aim of this paper is to examine in what ways the EU has exercised its normative power in order to prevent Poland´s continuous democratic backsliding and determine the reasons for its failure. Results find that the EU has taken multiple actions against Poland, however with a less successful outcome. The reasons for the EUs unsuccess consist of internal divisions between member states and its legal procedures often being protracted and too complicated. Although the EU has yet to fulfill its legal actions against Poland there are signs indicating a slight change providing hope for the future.