Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis examines a group of German intellectuals and politicians who, during World War I, formulated and proposed a democratic ideology based on their interpretation of the German Enlightenment philosopher Immanuel Kant and integrated his ideas with those of Karl Marx, the father of modern socialism. Their theory was an attempt to legitimize democracy in Germany at a time when democratic reforms came to the forefront of German politics. These thinkers advocated a non-revolutionary foundation for social democracy by emphasizing the role of human reason and agency in the process of democratization. Because they had abandoned the need for revolution, which most early nineteenth-century socialists believed was socialism’s ‘final goal,’ these thinkers were known as revisionists. The revisionists’ primary medium through which they espoused their views of social democracy was the journal Sozialistische Monatshefte, which ran from 1893 until 1933. The timeframe on which this argument focuses is the last two years of World War I, when Germany’s failure achieve a victor’s peace opened new avenues for the center-left of the political spectrum to achieve democratic reform. The revisionists sought to carry forward the process of democratization, and by doing so, reconnected with the ideas of the Enlightenment.

In July, 2000, Mexico ended seven decades of single-party rule with the election of Vicente Fox as president, culminating its gran fiesta democrática of the 1990's. Less than a decade later, though, the party's over. Citizen disenchantment with politics is widespread: Mexicans profoundly distrust parties, politicians, and parliament. Mexico is hardly unique. Satisfaction with democracy is low, declining, or both in 72 new (or older, poor) democracies in Latin America, Eastern Europe, Asia, and Africa. This dissertation analyzes the causes and consequences of the current Mexican malais--and of discontentment with democracy around the world. It addresses two groups of questions. First, what causes dissatisfaction with democracy? Does it attach to specific politicians or institutions, or to poor evaluations of government performance? Or does it bespeak a deeper frustration with democracy and its inability to meet citizens' expectation--particularly socioeconomic ones? Second, what does disillusionment bode for political participation? Do dissatisfied citizens quit voting? Do they become alienated or turn to confrontational participation? I argue that a main cause of political dissatisfaction is a citizen concept of democracy, "substantive" democracy, emphasizing economic improvement and social equity, combined with poor government performance in just those respects. This combination poses challenges for democracy in many countries, not just Mexico. Though citizens in apparently ineffective democracies are more disposed to entertain authoritarian alternative--which have already toppled some wavering democracies--most new democracies, including Mexico, have hung on. Widespread and deep dissatisfaction with democracy may jeopardize the survival of some new democracies, but the more immediate concern raised by dissatisfaction is its detrimental impact on political participation--and, ultimately, the quality of democracy. For citizens who conceive of democracy as an instrument of economic equality, their governments' failure to ameliorate poverty leads to disengagement from politics. These citizens vote and engage in institutional participation less often. Dissatisfaction also predisposes a small but significant minority of citizens to contentious political participation. Political dissatisfaction makes new democracies more likely to consolidate as what scholars have described as "semi-", "partial", or "illiberal" democracies. / text

The Taiwanese middle class has experienced two waves of crisis over the past three decades in the context of a colonization transition involving globalization and democratization as primary catalysts. On the economic front, Taiwan’s economy has become increasingly integrated into the Chinese market, resulting approximately one million of the Taiwanese middle class relocating to China. Moreover, neoliberal economic reforms have led to a downsized state sector of the Taiwanese economy. These economic changes affect the growth and stability of the Taiwanese middle class. Meanwhile, on the political front, an ongoing democratic consolidation and decolonization efforts have brought about significant political changes in Taiwan that have deepened Taiwanese nationalism. While economic and political processes appear to be opposite, however, in reality they have been mutually reinforcing, causing increasingly differentiated middle class. The political economy dynamics conditioned in a colonial context suggest that the swing voters of a differentiated middle class play a pivotal role in determining electoral outcomes, and electoral outcomes reshape the differentiated middle class.

本文依據現代化理論之脈絡，探究總體經濟因素對於民主政治究竟存在何種影響，在方法論上則採取量化與質化的結合，以求各自擷長補短。 為探究經濟因素究竟是影響民主政體的「建立」、已建立民主政體的「存續」、亦或民主程度的「提昇」。本文首先將各國依其民主化時程及宗教文化的不同，區分為第二波民主化國家、第三波民主化國家及伊斯蘭國家，據此建立三個次模型及一個總體模型，並利用總體經濟資料進行量化分析。研究結果發現，經濟因素對於民主政體的「建立」與否並無影響，但良好的經濟表現則有助於已建立之民主政體的「存續」及民主程度的「提昇」；亦即現代化理論的外生說獲得支持。 為彌補量化研究之不足，本文並進一步以土耳其進行個案分析。個案分析的結果顯示，儘管影響土耳其民主政治發展的因素包含宗教勢力興起、經濟危機及軍方干政，但最根本的因素仍是經濟危機；在經濟危機之下，不論軍方或民間社會皆感受到壓力，民間轉向伊斯蘭教尋求安慰，軍方則藉安定社會與對抗宗教勢力等名義，發動政變而中止民主政治。 / Rested on the theories of modernization, this thesis inquired into how the macroeconomic performance influences the political development of democracy. The quantification and qualification approaches are adopted in the methodology for a complete perspective. In order to explore whether the economic performance influences the establishment of democratic regime, the sustenance of established democratic regime, and the elevation of democratic level, this thesis classifies the countries as the democratic countries in the second wave of democratization, the democratic countries in the third wave of democratization and Islamic countries according to the agenda of democratization and religious culture difference. Based upon the three categories, the author builds up three secondary models and one general model and puts the macroeconomic materials in the quantitative analysis. The findings discover that the economic performance has nothing to do with the establishment of democratic regime. However, the well-performed economy does help consolidate the established democratic regime and elevate the democratic level as well. The conclusion implies that the exogenous theory of Modernization theory is substantiated. In order to make up the insufficiency of the quantification research, the author takes Turkey for case study. The results reveal that the factors influencing the political development of democracy in Turkey include the rise of religious power, the economic crisis and the military intervention. Among the factors, the most crucial one is the economic crisis. Under the threat of economic crisis, the society turned to Islamism for consolation. Nevertheless, in the name of stable society and resistance to religious power, the military launched coup d'etat to interrupt the democracy.

<p>This research project involves a comparative, cross-national study of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) in countries around the world that have used these extra-judicial institutions to pursue justice and promote national reconciliation during periods of democratic transition or following a civil conflict marked by intense violence and severe human rights abuses. An important objective of truth and reconciliation commissions involves instituting measures to address serious human rights abuses that have occurred as a result of discrimination, ethnocentrism and racism. In recent years, rather than solely utilizing traditional methods of conflict resolution and criminal prosecution, transitional governments have established truth and reconciliation commissions as part of efforts to foster psychological, social and political healing. </p><p>The primary objective of this research project is to determine why there has been a proliferation of truth and reconciliation commissions around the world in recent decades, and assess whether the perceived effectiveness of these commissions is real and substantial. In this work, using a multi-method approach that involves quantitative and qualitative analysis, I consider the institutional design and structural composition of truth and reconciliation commissions, as well as the roles that these commissions play in the democratic transformation of nations with a history of civil conflict and human rights violations. </p><p>In addition to a focus on institutional design of truth and reconciliation commissions, I use a group identity framework that is grounded in social identity theory to examine the historical background and sociopolitical context in which truth commissions have been adopted in countries around the world. This group identity framework serves as an invaluable lens through which questions related to truth and reconciliation commissions and other transitional justice mechanisms can be explored. I also present a unique theoretical framework, the reconciliatory democratization paradigm, that is especially useful for examining the complex interactions between the various political elements that directly affect the processes of democratic consolidation and reconciliation in countries in which truth and reconciliation commissions have been established. Finally, I tackle the question of whether successor regimes that institute truth and reconciliation commissions can effectively address the human rights violations that occurred in the past, and prevent the recurrence of these abuses.</p> / Dissertation

The target of this assignment is to answer the question why Egypt has not succeeded to become a democracy when Israel has. The method of this assignment has been a comparable study where Larry Diamond’s internal and external factors have been used to compare why Egypt has not become a democracy when Israel has. The result shows that Egypt is not democratic because of several reasons, such as a big and influential military, unfair civil society, national insecurity, non-democratic leaders, wars and an unsuccessful consolidation of the democratic influences, especially after the Arabic spring in the early 21st century. Israel, on the other hand, is a democracy due to its successful democratic institutions, a functional civil society and with democratic influences from the western world such as the EU and USA. Israel’s “ethnic” democracy is not perfect though and have hinders such as discrimination and a limited democratic leadership but compared to Egypt, the country has become a stable democracy, in a region that is mostly surrounded by undemocratic regimes.

Abstract The purpose of this essay is to shed light on why the democratic developments in Botswana and Zimbabwe, despite their many similarities, have gone in very different directions. By the time of their respective independence, both countries proclaimed themselves democratic states. However, only Botswana succeeded in the transition, while Zimbabwe soon fell back into an autocratic regime. The method used is a comparative case study. By comparing the cases Botswana and Zimbabwe in according to five selected democratic variables, this method makes it possible to explain why only Botswana succeeded. The research questions are: How have Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s respective democratic transitions happened? What factors have influenced and guided the direction of the democratic development in Botswana and Zimbabwe? The following democratic variables will guide the comparison: “Economic development”, “Market economy”, “Strong middleclass”, “External influences” and “Political leaders dedicated to democracy”.                 The results show considerable differences between the democratic transitions of Botswana and Zimbabwe as regards all the selected democratic variables. The comparative method thus proved to be an effective tool to explain the democratic development in the two countries investigated in this case study. However, these factors potentially just scratch the surface and, in a theory-developing spirit, more democratic factors can broaden the explanation even more.

[pt] O presente estudo busca abordar o tema da inserção dos discentes ingressantes pela reserva de vagas na Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), no ano de 2012, enfatizando a vivência destes estudantes no interior da universidade e valorizando a fala dos mesmos na construção do nosso estudo. Embora a Educação se constitua em um importante direito social regido pelo princípio da igualdade, o que verificamos ao longo da história da Educação em nosso país é uma trajetória de desigualdades, vivenciada pelos diferentes grupos sociais no que diz respeito ao acesso e permanência, tanto em termos quantitativos como em termos qualitativos, constituindo-se em um importante condicionante da demarcação dos lugares sociais. Deste modo, a implementação das ações afirmativas, no que tange ao ensino superior, traz uma nova dinâmica às universidades, pois busca alterar o perfil do corpo discente e avança no processo de democratização do acesso a este nível de ensino. Entretanto, além do acesso deve-se avançar em relação à permanência, pois um complementa o outro no alcance à conclusão do ensino superior e, deste modo, possibilita a real democratização do ensino. Assim, sendo a adoção das ações afirmativas algo recente na UFRJ, iniciada em 2011, nosso estudo objetivou trazer as questões vivenciadas pelos estudantes ingressantes por reserva de vagas e que se constituem como aspectos facilitadores e dificultadores encontrados na vivência universitária, buscando compreender como tem ocorrido este processo pelo olhar dos sujeitos de nosso estudo. Nosso trabalho contou com dez entrevistas realizadas com discentes pertencentes a diferentes cursos de graduação no final do ano de 2013. Através desta reflexão, busca-se contribuir no entendimento sobre as alterações que vêm ocorrendo neste nível de ensino e no que ainda é necessário se avançar para obter uma maior democratização do ensino superior. / [en] This paper aims to go into the subject of the insertion of students, who were admitted through the system of quotas at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) in 2012, emphasizing their experience on the university and valuing their speech throughout our study. Although education is an important social right guided by the principle of equality, a path of inequalities experienced by various social groups regarding access and permanence is noticeable, in both qualitative and quantitative terms throughout the history of education in our country, constituting an important compelling factor of the demarcation of social roles. Thus, the implementation of affirmative actions regarding the higher education admittance brings a new dynamic to the university, diversifying the student’s body profile and advancing toward a democratization process. However, in addition to admittance, it is necessary to make progress when it comes to permanence, since these are complementary factors when it comes to the conclusion of higher education, which therefore make the democratization of education possible. Hence, considering that the adoption of affirmative actions in UFRJs admittance process is recent - since 2011 - our study strived to come up with the issues experienced by the students who were admitted at the university through these affirmative actions and analyze positive and negative aspects of their academic life in order to comprehend how this process has been perceived by the subjects of our research. Our study was based in ten interviews with higher education students of different courses at the end of 2013. Through this reflection we intend to contribute to the understanding of changes that have been occurring at this level of teaching and also to ponder about what is still necessary to be changed to reach a larger democratization regarding higher education.

A Research Report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Art in Political Studies, Johannesburg, 2017 / Despite their long history of organising, South African domestic workers are deprived of a platform to organise due to the post-apartheid state positioning itself as the primary articulator, representative, and protector of domestic workers‟ collective interests and the resultant displacement of the domestic workers‟ union in these roles. Even at its peak, the union struggled to rally domestic workers around its cause. The shift from “live-in” domestic work to “live-out” domestic work provides workers with greater personal freedom and less isolation from friends and family; allows them to gain some control over their working conditions and; challenges the “atomised” nature of domestic work as domestic workers interact quite frequently with each other in spaces such as taxis and buses, taxi ranks and street corners as they go about travelling to and from work every day. Domestic workers‟ engagement in the everyday practice of commuting to work and the spaces where domestic workers regularly interact with each other allow for the appearance of social networks where grievances can be shared and rallied around; mutual support is given and; information regarding work can be obtained. Significantly, these social networks are integral to the formation of collective identities and the building of political subjectivities of domestic workers, who as a group are deprived of a platform to organise. Furthermore a fuller conception of political action needs to be adopted. Domestic workers, who are without resources and the leadership of a vital union, find themselves in a position of political marginalization; yet participate in everyday forms of resistance. These coupled with their engagement in everyday life, constitute the invisible face of political mobilization. The social networks that have appeared show promise, however they are under-developed and have not yet been formalised in a way that organised action can ensue. As such it is possible that organisational impetus will have to come from the efforts of middle class actors belonging to NGOs, activists and government agencies as has been experienced in other parts of the globe. / MT2018

O presente trabalho parte da passagem entre a Primeira República brasileira e a democracia de 1945-1964, notadamente, para o surgimento de eleições competitivas e fim das eleições de caráter governista como resultado majoritário entre as disputas eleitorais. Para tanto, a pesquisa parte de uma problematização teórica sobre os requisitos tradicionais para um regime ser considerado democrático, discussão que permeia todas as etapas do trabalho. No campo empírico, partimos de dados em sua maioria inéditos para, além de colocar a diferença entre os dois períodos em termos de padrões de competição, atestar para a continuidade desse fenômeno nas eleições subsequentes. Em seguida, analisamos as eleições de 1947 e mostramos evidências que contribuem para o entendimento do comportamento eleitoral à época, quais sejam, de que o eleitor da democracia nascente não se encontrava livre para a disputa pelo convencimento, ou seja, o quadro era de controle do voto a nível individual gerando incerteza ao nível agregado e, assim, competição. / The present work starts from the passage between the First Brazilian Republic and the democracy of 1945-1964, notably for the emergence of competitive elections and the end of the gubernatorial elections as a major result among the electoral disputes. For this, the research starts from a theoretical problematization about the traditional requirements for a regime to be considered democratic, a discussion that permeates all stages of the work. In the empirical field, we start with data that are mostly unpublished, in order to establish the difference between the two periods in terms of patterns of competition, to attest to the continuity of this phenomenon in subsequent elections. Next, we analyze the 1947 elections and show evidence that contributes to the understanding of electoral behavior at the time, namely, that the voter of the nascent democracy was not \'free\' for the contest for the conviction, that is, the picture was of voting control at the individual level generating uncertainty at the aggregate level and, thus, competition.