Det övergripande syftet med denna avhandling är att synliggöra formella och informella maktstrukturer i Norrköpings kommuns politiska ledning mellan åren 1970 och 2006 ur ett genusperspektiv. I inledningen ställs frågan om det är så att kvinnors inlemmande i kommunalpolitiken endast har lett till en jämn könsrepresentation i den politiska toppen, men inte medfört verklig politiskt makt. Utifrån ett samtidshistoriskt perspektiv undersöks den underliggande maktstruktur om den politiska makten i Norrköping kan sägas ha vilat på vid olika tidpunkter mellan 1970 och 2006. Den teoretiska ansatsen är inspirerad av ett feministiskt genusperspektiv och det empiriska materialet analyseras med hjälp av bl a begreppet genusregim. Detta begrepp utgör grunden i avhandlingens teoretiska ram. I den konkreta analysen används sedan begrepp som politisk fält och politiskt kapital, manlighet, manlig homosocialitet, hegemoni och diskursiv makt. Utgångspunkten i avhandlingen är att kvinnor och mäns olika tillgång till informell makt i politiken dels har att göra med makt som baseras på genus, dels har att göra med makt kopplat till relationerna mellan ledande politiker och ledande tjänstemän i kommunens administrativa ledning. Avhandlingen undersöker på vilket sätt kvinnliga och manliga politikers formella deltagande i kommunens nämnder, kommunstyrelsen och andra organ förändrades under perioden 1970–2006. Den belyser också hur politiker och tjänstemän har uppfattat den underliggande maktstruktur som underbygger verklig politisk makt, samt hur denna maktstruktur har förhållit sig till genus. Avhandlingen undersöker även huruvida manliga tjänstemän begränsat kvinnliga politikers maktutrymme. Avhandlingen visar att den makt som underbygger den politiska styrningen har vilat på två slags ordningsrelationer: den mellan kvinnor och män respektive den mellan den politiska ledningen och administrationen. Avhandlingen visar således att problemet med kvinnors brist på informell makt har varit inbyggt i det politiska systemet. / The aim of this dissertation is to examine women’s and men’s access to quantitative and qualitative political power in the municipality of Norrköping between 1970 and 2006. The method chosen is to analyze the substructure underlying political leaders’ ability to govern. The premise of this inquiry is that an unequal distribution of genuine power between women and men in politics depends on gender-based power structures as well as the relationship between politicians in leadership positions and male employees in leading positions in the municipal administration. There are three main questions of interest in this dissertation. Firstly, in what respects does the formal representation of women and man elected as representatives in the municipal council, the municipal executive board, and other boards change in the period 1970―2006? Secondly, how do politicians and employed municipal administrators describe the structures of power that grant genuine power, and how do informal power relations relate to the gender-based power structure? Thirdly, focusing on women’s increasing participation in governing processes I ask in what respects the male dominance in the administration circumscribes the possibilities of female politicians in leadership positions to exercise genuine power. With these questions as the starting point, I have studied political power structures in relation to women and men as well as in relation to actors in political and administrative leadership positions in the municipality of Norrköping. Relaying on the concept of gender regime I have developed an analytical framework to analyze the informal power structures. The concept of gender regime can be understood as the patterning of gender processes in particular social units at a particular historical time. In the theoretical approach of the dissertation, the concept of gender regime in combination with the concepts of manliness, male homosociality and the hegemony of men, offer a complex way of analyzing gender and power relations at a local level. One of the main conclusions is that despite a changing political gender regime in the 21st century, the power was still based on a patriarchal model.

隨著冷戰結束，美國藉由其強大國力和自身的話語權力，在國際社會爭取自身利益。近年來，由於中國國力日漸強大，開始重視話語權的建構，加上 2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」發生時，中國封鎖消息，沒有官方來源的情況下，國外媒體紛紛透過其他管道採訪，出現許多次錯誤報導，讓中國失去主動建立話語權的機會。中國政府當局深知此事傷害中國形象甚尤，為了避免形成所謂「以美國為主的國際話語和國際輿論霸權」以及「傳播美國化」的問題，中國在2009年新疆「7．5事件」中放寬新聞管制，主動提供外國媒體信息，並安排外國記者採訪事宜，使訊息較為透明化，避免世界一邊倒的輿論偏向，企圖獲得中國話語權。 在2009年新疆烏魯木齊「7．5事件」中，中國政府採取不同於過往的處理方式，中國當局記取改善信息發佈制度，事件發生後幾小時內，中國國務院新聞辦公室邀請外國記者到烏魯木齊採訪，安排記者採訪事宜，較諸2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」。因此，本研究採取內容分析和論述分析等，透過分析新疆「7．5事件」新聞，試圖了解中國傳媒如何藉由新疆「7．5事件」新聞報導建構中國話語權策略，並以美國《紐約時報》作為論證，檢視中國藉由新疆「7．5事件」建構話語權的成效為何。研究結果發現，《中新社》運用的九項報導策略，在《紐約時報》並沒有提及類似的新聞內容，證明《中新社》的報導策略在《紐約時報》試圖從報導新疆「7．5事件」建構的國際話語權策略，成效有限。 / While Cold War ended, the United States fought for their own interests in the global society through their own national power and discursive power. In recent years, China’s national power has become stronger, and started to focus on discursive power. When 2008 Tibetan unrest happened, China blocked all the information. There is no official source so that the foreign media have to use irregular channels to interview people. There are some error reports in foreign media, so China lost the opportunity to take the initiative to establish the right to speak. Chinese authorities knew that the matter hurt Chinese image severely. In order to avoid the problems so-called “US-based international hegemonic discourse” and “dissemination of Americanization,” China, in July 2009 Urumqi riots, loosened restrictions in media and took initiative to provide information to journalists. Chinese government also arranged some interviews for foreign so that the messages were more transparent to avoid one-sided opinions to gain Chinese discursive power. In July 2009 Urumqi riots, the Chinese government adopted the approach different from the past, which improved information release system. Within a few hours after the incident, China's State Council Information Office invited foreign reporters to Urumqi to do interviews which differed from 2008 Tibetan unrest. Therefore, this study adopts content analysis and discourse analysis etc. to realize how Chinese media constructs Chinese discourse strategies and uses U.S.A. “New York Times” as a proof to view Chinese discourse strategies’ effects through July 2009 Urumqi riots news. The study finds that China News Service uses 9 strategies in reporting Urumqi riots. However, New York Times do not mention the similar coverage. It proved that China News Service use the strategies to construct international discursive power in reporting Urumqi riots, to be limited success.

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