"Tatsächlich steht das offiziell verkündete Wahlergebnis nicht im Widerspruch zu einer im Mai landesweit durchgeführten Umfrage eines US-Forschungsinstituts. Dieses sah Ahmadinedschad klar vor seinem größten Konkurrenten Mussavi. Vermeintliche Quellen aus dem iranischen Innenministerium dagegen sprachen nach der Wahl von einem Erdrutschsieg Mussavis. Indizien für einen Betrug gibt es viele..."

„Zum Verhältnis Wissenschaft und Politik: Die neuen (I)nternationalen Beziehungen an der Schnittstelle eines alten Problems“. Tagung der Sektion Internationale Politik der DVPW, Berlin, 17.-19.3.2005 „Bringing International Studies Together: Contrasting Approaches and Agendas“. World International Studies Committee Istanbul, 24.-27. August 2005 „Europa: Der alte Kontinent als Hoffnungsträger für eine gerechte Welt“. Aus der Dialogreihe von Bündnis 90/ Die Grünen: Neue Weltinnenpolitik für eine gerechte und nachhaltige Globalisierung, Marie-Elisabeth-Lüders-Haus Berlin, 19. April 2005

The Russian implementation of the "energy weapon" plays an important role in understanding the complex Eurasian political dynamism that exists and influences relationships. Endowed with a greater amount of gas supplies, Russia has utilized its natural monopoly in an endeavor to maneuver its political objectives within the international scene. Its drive to espouse the "energy weapon" envelopes itself within Russia’s turbulent past and desire to regain political prominence experienced throughout much of the twentieth century. Thus, studying Russian motivations in employing gas resources allows political scientists, statespersons and other government intellectuals to better understand the economic backdrop affecting Eurasian affairs and potentially formulate strategic policy that would garner net positive outcomes with little to no negative externalities. Studying such information would prove to enhance relations, positively or negatively, for Ukrainian, Russian, and European authorities when conducting domestic and foreign policy.

This essay treats some of the problems that often arise when a translator translates texts which could be characterized as "culturally coloured" texts. Some people think that these kind of texts are not translatable. We want to show that, on the contrary, they are possible to translate into another language, even if it is not possible to translate them literally, word for word. First we present the material that our own translations are based on, and we discuss different terms relating to "untranslatable" words. Then we analyse and discuss different theories and approaches to translation, approaches that help us to find an acceptable translation of cultural words. Finally we present and analyse words that caused us problems in our efforts to translate from French into Swedish.

This paper attempts to analyze the challenges facing the organization of the modern White House staff and their domestic and foreign policymaking processes. It acknowledges that while the president does exercise influence over his or her staff through personal management style, it find that it has also developed institutional traits since the establishment of the Executive Office of the President (EOP). These traits include the increasing trend towards internal and external forms of centralization in the White House staff over policymaking authority and direction. The effects from these traits often exacerbate inherent bureaucratic infighting and hamper substantive policymaking. Furthermore, the rise of political partisanship, along with changes in the media landscape due to technological advances, has shifted the political and policymaking environment in the 21st century. By assessing this environmental shift, this paper finds that it is now more difficult for presidents and their White House staffs to think critically and expansively about domestic and foreign policy issues. This paper argues that given these developments, it is more necessary than ever for White House staffs to be organized in a way that promotes a wide range of policy advice and options for the president and an honest broker to coordinate them. This paper argues that such an organization can be achieved through the application of Alexander George’s theory of multiple advocacy. It assesses George’s theory and the history of its application within both the operations of the White House policy councils and the functions of key aides, the White House Chief of Staff (COS) and the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (APNSA). Through this assessment, it concludes that a White House staff organized around the principles of multiple advocacy and honest brokerage is not only the best way to foster substantive domestic and foreign policymaking, but also that the principles can still be applied successfully in the 21st century environment.

This essay is about Donald Trump and his ideology and domestic policy. The purpose of this essay is to find out how and to what extent is Donald Trump a nationalist and conservative during the years 2015 - 2021 and what is his view on domestic policy are, and in which way is it displayed. The study uses the methods of an idea analysis with the help of nationalist and conservative ideal types to analyze Donald Trump's 2016 campaign kickoff speech, Inauguration of Donald Trump, 2020 Trump Tulsa rally, and Donald Trump's farewell address. This method is effective because it will analyze ideology and how he uses ideology and how his view on domestic policy is, which is why idea analysis is an ideal choice of use. This essay's result is that Donald Trump uses nationalist ideas much more than he uses conservative ideas and that Donald Trump has a positive view on domestic policy and that he presents both these things very much and he repeats it often because of the importance.

The past two decades have led to dramatic changes in Russian foreign policy, shifting it from post- communist democratization to the path of aggressive revisionism and confrontation with the West. These changes are, to greater degree, regarded with Russian President Vladimir Putin's strategic vision on Russia's future. Since 2007, Russian revisionist foreign actions progressively led to confrontation with the West, which culminated in March 2014 amid Russian annexation of Crimea. The work discusses a number of aspects the Russia-West confrontation such as economic sanctions, nuclear proliferation, proxy wars and current rapidly evolving military escalation at the Ukrainian borders. This also includes Russia's security demands presented to the United States and NATO on 17 December 2021. Simultaneously, this work attempts to connect the role of Western sanctions in worsening of domestic issues inside of Russia such as declining demography, poverty and corruption. In addition, the thesis indicates unnecessary securitization of the Russia- West and Russia-NATO relationships. At the same time, the thesis attempts to show a number of the structural level threats that should be securitized by Russia. These challenges are growing Pan- Turkism and risks of strategic partnership with China, which may pose a...

A crise entre Brasil e Bolívia desencadeada pela nacionalização do gás é representativa do pa­pel da política doméstica nos temas das relações internacionais. Neste estudo, adotamos uma análise de escolha racional a partir do modelo da Economia Política Aberta, que parte do ambiente econômico para identificar interesses econômicos e sociais, como eles se materializam nas preferências políticas de atores sociais e econômicos, que influenciam a política doméstica e a atuação internacional do estado nacional. No caso em estudo, analisamos a interação e a barganha entre Brasil e Bolívia a partir da influência de atores como o movimento indígena-camponês boliviano, que acumulou forças ao longo dos anos e pôde impor sua agenda de nacionalização dos recursos naturais, a indústria de petróleo e gás, liderada pela Petrobras, e o empresariado industrial brasileiro, consumidor de 50% da oferta de gás natural brasileira. Estes atores influenciaram seus governos, que atuaram racionalmente para defender os interesses de seus países, considerados neste estudo como os interesses dos atores sociais e econômicos com maior força política. / The crisis between Brazil and Bolivia, triggered for the nationalization of natural gas, is rep­resentative of the role of domestic policy issues in international relations. In this study, we ad­opted an analysis of rational choice model, from Open Economy Politics, which starts from the economic environment to identify economic and social interests, and how they matter in political preferences of social and economic players, which influence the domestic politics and international acting of national state. In this case, we analyzed the interaction and bargaining between Brazil and Bolivia under the influence of players like Bolivian peasant-indigenous movement, which gains strength over the years and impose their agenda of nationalization of natural resources, oil and gas industry, led by Petrobras, and, last but not least, Brazil\'s industrial and business, consumer 50% of local supply of natural gas. These actor influenced their governments, who acted rationally to defend our national interests, considered in this paper as the interests of social and economic actors with strong political power.

A crise entre Brasil e Bolívia desencadeada pela nacionalização do gás é representativa do pa­pel da política doméstica nos temas das relações internacionais. Neste estudo, adotamos uma análise de escolha racional a partir do modelo da Economia Política Aberta, que parte do ambiente econômico para identificar interesses econômicos e sociais, como eles se materializam nas preferências políticas de atores sociais e econômicos, que influenciam a política doméstica e a atuação internacional do estado nacional. No caso em estudo, analisamos a interação e a barganha entre Brasil e Bolívia a partir da influência de atores como o movimento indígena-camponês boliviano, que acumulou forças ao longo dos anos e pôde impor sua agenda de nacionalização dos recursos naturais, a indústria de petróleo e gás, liderada pela Petrobras, e o empresariado industrial brasileiro, consumidor de 50% da oferta de gás natural brasileira. Estes atores influenciaram seus governos, que atuaram racionalmente para defender os interesses de seus países, considerados neste estudo como os interesses dos atores sociais e econômicos com maior força política. / The crisis between Brazil and Bolivia, triggered for the nationalization of natural gas, is rep­resentative of the role of domestic policy issues in international relations. In this study, we ad­opted an analysis of rational choice model, from Open Economy Politics, which starts from the economic environment to identify economic and social interests, and how they matter in political preferences of social and economic players, which influence the domestic politics and international acting of national state. In this case, we analyzed the interaction and bargaining between Brazil and Bolivia under the influence of players like Bolivian peasant-indigenous movement, which gains strength over the years and impose their agenda of nationalization of natural resources, oil and gas industry, led by Petrobras, and, last but not least, Brazil\'s industrial and business, consumer 50% of local supply of natural gas. These actor influenced their governments, who acted rationally to defend our national interests, considered in this paper as the interests of social and economic actors with strong political power.

This thesis attempts to answer the following questions: How is democracy threatened today? What are some of the specific issues of domestic and foreign policy which the American people face? Are citizens prepared to make intelligent choices on such matters? How does propaganda complicate the political process? Are the schools doing their part in preparing citizens for self-government? If not, why?