Från Reagan till Trump: Populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet 1980–2017 är en kandidatuppsats av Angelica Carlsson. Syftet med studien är att förklara förekomsten av populistiska uttryck inom det republikanska partiet i USA under tidsperioden 1980–2017. Populistiska uttryck i politiska tal av presidenterna Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush och Donald Trump undersöks och graderas utifrån Kirk A. Hawkins sex kriterier över populism. Talen analyseras också utifrån de teoretiska begreppen tunn respektive tjock populism. För att förklara de populistiska uttrycken beaktar studien den historiska kontexten och utvecklingslinjer inom det republikanska partiet. Utifrån studiens resultat kan konstateras att de populistiska uttrycken är högst i Reagans och Trumps tal, medan Bushs tal har en lägre grad av populism. I studien förklaras detta utifrån den historiska kontexten, där 1980 och 2016 präglades av mer politisk instabilitet än 2000. Studien belyser hur populism inte uppstår ur tomma intet utan ska förstås i relation till kontexten i vilken den uttrycks. / From Reagan to Trump: Populist expressions within the Republican Party 1980–2017 is a bachelor thesis by Angelica Carlsson. The aim of the thesis is to explain populist expressions within the Republican Party in the United States during the period 1980–2017. Populist expressions in political speeches by the presidents Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and Donald Trump are investigated and graded based on Kirk A. Hawkin's criteria of populism. The thesis is also taking the theoretical terms thin and thick populism into consideration. In order to explain the populist expressions the historical context and the historical development of the Republican Party is taken into account. The main findings of the thesis is that Reagan's and Trump's speeches has the highest degree of populist expressions, while Bush's speeches has a lower degree of populist expressions. The study explains this from the historical context, where 1980 and 2016 were characterized by more political instability than 2000. The study illustrates how populism does not arise from nothing and should be understood in relation to the historical context.

Jana Leichterová Conservative Criticism of Obamacare and its Transformation in the Context of Donald Trump Running for President Abstract The thesis deals with the debate over the health care reforms in the United States. It focuses specifically on the debate over the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare, a health care reform initiated by President Barack Obama that was signed into law in March 2010. The goal of the thesis is to identify the main arguments of the conservative criticism of the Affordable Care Act, and to determine whether the debate transformed with the emergence of Donald Trump onto the political scene. The thesis provides historical context of the three main approaches to the health care policies in the United States throughout the 20th century: the Social Security path of strong government in the 1930s, the mixed "American way" with government providing social benefits to citizens through private institutions in the 1970s, and the approach of unregulated free market since the 1980s. Obama's health care originates in the urge for a national solution of the high number of uninsured citizens (more than 50 million in 2009) and rising cost of health care. The reform has three essential pillars: 1. the reform of the health insurance market that unifies the diverse state approaches and...

The purpose of this study is to analyze if there is any tweet specific data posted by Donald Trump that has a correlation with the volatility of the stock market. If any details about the president Trump's tweets show correlation with the volatility, the goal is to find a subset of regressors with as high as possible predictability. The content of tweets is used as the base for regressors. The method which has been used is a multiple linear regression with tweet and volatility data ranging from 2010 until 2020. As a measure of volatility, the Cboe VIX has been used, and the regressors in the model have focused on the content of tweets posted by Trump using TF-IDF to evaluate the content of tweets. The results from the study imply that the chosen regressors display a small significant correlation of with an adjusted R2 = 0.4501 between Trump´s tweets and the market volatility. The findings Include 78 words with correlation to stock market volatility when part of President Trump's tweets. The stock market is a large and complex system of many unknowns, which aggravate the process of simplifying and quantifying data of only one source into a regression model with high predictability. / Syftet med denna studie är att analysera om det finns några specifika egenskaper i de tweets publicerade av Donald Trump som har en korrelation med volatiliteten på aktiemarknaden. Om egenskaper kring president Trumps tweets visar ett samband med volatiliteten är målet att hitta en delmängd av regressorer med för att beskriva sambandet med så hög signifikans som möjligt. Innehållet i tweets har varit i fokus använts som regressorer. Metoden som har använts är en multipel linjär regression med tweet och volatilitetsdata som sträcker sig från 2010 till 2020. Som ett mått på volatilitet har Cboe VIX använts, och regressorerna i modellen har fokuserat på innehållet i tweets där TF-IDF har använts för att transformera ord till numeriska värden. Resultaten från studien visar att de valda regressorerna uppvisar en liten men signifikant korrelation med en justerad R2 = 0,4501 mellan Trumps tweets och marknadens volatilitet. Resultaten inkluderar 78 ord som de när en är en del av president Trumps tweets visar en signifikant korrelation till volatiliteten på börsen. Börsen är ett stort och komplext system av många okända, som försvårar processen att förenkla och kvantifiera data från endast en källa till en regressionsmodell med hög förutsägbarhet.

This study, ​“‘I’ve never been politically correct – truthfully it takes far too much time and can often make it more difficult to achieve total victory’ - a Critical Discourse Analysis of Donald Trump's speeches during United States presidential election of 2016”​, examines the political communication through linguistic strategies throughout 10 of Donald Trump’s speeches from the Trump rallies during the election year 2016. In order to serve that purpose, this thesis investigates which ones of the discourses that dominates the republican agenda in this context. ​Accordingly to the Critical Discourse Analysis the aim is also to see whether the worldview in Trumps speeches is constructed or deconstructed. The study is based on a theoretical framework with theories about social constructionism, nationalism and populism. A quantitative content analysis was made through the online text tool “Textometrica” in order to see Trumps main discourses. The qualitative content analysis was made through Norman Faircloughs three-dimensional model for a Critical Discourse Analysis. According to the analysis of this study, the five main discourses are ​Establishment, Trump, USA, Immigration ​and​ Work​. Around these discourses, Donald Trump’s main strategy is constructing an opposition between “us” and “them”, where “us” consist with Trump himself and the american people, and “them” includes the establishment, other countries and immigrants. Based on these opponents, and through disparaging “them” in a strategy, here called “the thief-strategy”, Trump constructs a reality where “us” is the better half and he appears as the hero in this duo. In conclusion, Trumps strategy in order to win the presidential election 2016 included running a political agenda characterized by populism which later on can lead to a polarized community, and a dissatisfied american people who will be open for change and a new leader.

[pt] O conceito de excepcionalismo americano permeou a história dos EUA e criou uma imagem de um país com um sistema e uma sociedade democráticos superior, capaz de promover a democracia, os direitos humanos e o Estado de Direito em nível nacional e internacional. Essa ideia legitimou a liderança dos EUA na construção de uma ordem liberal internacional. A ascensão ao poder do Presidente Donald Trump e a atual crise da ordem global contribuíram para questionar essa ideia e seus pressupostos. Esta dissertação tem dois objetivos principais: em primeiro lugar, discutir o conceito de excepcionalismo americano e, em segundo lugar, analisar como o conceito de excepcionalismo americano afeta a relação entre os Estados Unidos e o Direito Internacional. Será argumentado que o excepcionalismo pode ser definido como um conceito e analisado com as lentes teóricas e metodológicas da História Conceitual. Sem um significado definitivo, o excepcionalismo americano é composto de diferentes interpretações que variam de acordo com o contexto em que o autor se situa. Ainda assim, sua importância na história e na identidade americanas é inquestionável, tornando necessário levar em conta o excepcionalismo ao tentar entender as ações dos Estados Unidos. Para analisar a relação entre o excepcionalismo americano e o Direito Internacional, a dissertação se envolverá com a literatura sobre a Ordem Liberal Internacional, a hegemonia dos EUA e o multilateralismo. Além disso, será perguntado se a ascensão de Donald Trump pode ser considerada uma ruptura em duas tradições americanas: a relação dos Estados Unidos com o Direito Internacional e o uso político do excepcionalismo. Argumenta-se que, apesar de se distanciar claramente da tradição excepcionalista, Trump não se desviou da tradição do Direito Internacional como é comumente percebido. Essa percepção é derivada de seus discursos radicais, de sua personalidade estrondosa e de seus vínculos com a extrema direita, mas não se traduz na maioria de suas políticas. / [en] The concept of American exceptionalism has permeated U.S. history and created an image of a country with better democratic system and society, able to promote domestically and internationally the democracy, human rights and the rule of law. This idea has legitimatized U.S. leadership in the construction of a liberal international order. The rise to power of President Donald Trump and the current crisis of the global order have contributed to question this idea and assumptions. This dissertation has two main aims, firstly, to discuss the concept of American exceptionalism, and secondly to analyse how the concept of American exceptionalism affects the relationship between the United States and International Law. It will be argued that exceptionalism can be defined as a concept and analysed with the theoretical and methodological lenses of Conceptual History. With no definitive meaning, American exceptionalism is made of different interpretations that vary across the context the author was situated in. Still, its importance in American history and identity is unquestionable, making it necessary to take exceptionalism into account when trying to understand the United States actions. In order to analyse the relation of American exceptionalism and International Law, the dissertation will engage with the literature of International Liberal Order, U.S. hegemony and multilateralism. Furthermore, it will inquire if the rise of Donald Trump can be considered a rupture in two American traditions: the United States relationship with International Law and the political use of exceptionalism. It is argued that, although clearly distancing himself from the exceptionalist tradition, Trump did not deviate from International Law tradition as it is commonly perceived. This perception is derived from his radical speeches, loud personna and ties to the Far-Right, but do not translate into most of his policies.

Problemformulering: Det amerikanska valet år 2016 har gått till historien. Det stod mellan två oväntade kandidater, Hillary Clinton som var USA:s första kvinna att kandidera till president. Den andra kandidaten var Donald Trump, en framgångsrik affärsman utan politisk bakgrund. Segrare blev Donald Trump, vilket förbluffade världen. Presidenten började sin första dag med att kritisera medier för att dem ska använda sig utav “Fake News” när det publicerar nyheter. Det är presidentens begrepp “Fake News” som lade idén för vår studie. Syfte: Studien ämnar undersöka huruvida Svenska Dagbladet och Dagens Nyheters utformning och gestaltningar i nyheter framställs och därmed presenteras för medborgarna samt huruvida de två valda tidningarna framställer President Trump. Metod och material: En kvantitativ innehållsanalys har genomförts bestående av totalt 40 analysobjekt från Svenska Dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter. Huvudresultat: Nyheters logik och berättartekniker, nyheters beskrivande innehåll samt nyheters utformning utgör i samverkan med varandra, i större och mindre utsträckning, en god grund för hur individer väljer sin informationskälla och uppfattar verkligheten. Dessa skapar även förutsättningar för mediernas betydelse i samhället och vilken påverkan de har på individer i samhället. Utan medialiseringen och nyhetsvärderingen tenderar gestaltningen i nyhetsrapportering inom politik att bli intetsägande. Vidare är de politiska aktörerna och medierna beroende av varandra och samspelet mellan varandra för att fånga uppmärksamheten hos individer i samhället.

Emotion acts as a primer for our memory retention and encoding processes. In the 2016 election, we saw an increase in negative or hostile rhetoric from candidates. I argue this is due to the use of Twitter and the physical representation of engagement. This paper examines the effect of enthusiasm, anxiety, and hostility in response to political tweets. Tweets from Republican presidential candidates, Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, and Marco Rubio were analyzed for emotional response content to explore mean differences in retweets from the three emotions.

The purpose of this bachelor’s thesis is to analyse how the American adult cartoon sitcom South Park (Parker & Stone, 1997) is criticising Donald J. Trump and his presidential campaign through the use of satire and the relative tools of satire. The show prominently features arguably bizarre plotlines and themes, with usually unexpected outcomes. The subject South Park and satire, both together and separated, has a fair share of previous research in articles and literature. However, South Park’s well-known, sharp, ruthless and absurd satire, in this case, towards Donald J. Trump has shown to be rather under-researched, probably due to the topic being still relatively fresh. Therefore, looking at how South Park effectively uses one of their own original characters, Mr. Garrison, to represent and satirise Donald J. Trump and his presidential campaign is motivated. The thesis is limited to only analysing two episodes from South Park season 19 (S19E02 & S19E08) and South Park season 20 including all ten episodes. South Park episodes does most of the times have two to three plot lines running simultaneously, thus this thesis also imitates itself to only analyse and focus on satire towards Donald J. Trump and his presidential campaign, and not analysing, for example the internet troll controversy based story, known as Skankhunt42. To be able to do a satirical analysis, this bachelor’s thesis has on forehand established a theory on what satire is, before analysing the satire. This is due to the term satire being a very loose and complex term, difficult to determine and encapsulate. This bachelor’s thesis is the result of a satirical analysis the satire of South Park towards Donald J. Trump and his presidential campaign, by uniquely using their original character Mr. Garrison to act as a satirical representation. It has through the analysis come to conclude that South Park as a show creates a solid satirisation throughout second, and eight episode of season 19, and every episode of season 20 until episode seven, Oh, Jeez!, where Donald J. Trump had only managed to become president-elect, but in the show, Mr. Garrison had actually become president. Making the satire redundant from that point.

The aim of this bachelor study was to examine how the conflict between USA and North Korea is framed by the swedish newspaper Aftonbladet and if there was a change in their use of frames after Donald Trump got inaugurated as president of The United States.   By using framing analysis we identified three different frames, “The dictatorship as a threat against world peace”, “The careless leader” and “The incompetent leader”.   We could then with a quantitative approach examine how often these frames was used by Aftonbladet and if there was a change after Donald Trump got inaugurated as president.   These were the questions examined: Which frames of the conflict between North Korea and USA are used in Aftonbladet and how often are they used? Is there any difference in which frames is used after Donald Trump became president of The United States?   We read 131 news articles from Aftonbladet which focused on the conflict. The period spanned from 2013-01-01 to 2017-12-07.   We found that the most commonly used frame was “The dictatorship as a threat against world peace” and we could also see that after Donald Trump became president a new frame emerged, “The careless leader”.

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