This dissertation contains two essays which examine the roles that individual incentives, competition, and information play in network formation. In the first essay, I examine a model in which two competing groups offer different allocation rules that may depend on the network of connections among the individuals that make up each group. I assume the existence of a single divisible good, such as a monetary prize, which will be divided amongst the members of the winning network. The probability of winning the prize will depend on the network sizes. I examine two well-known allocation rules: the Myerson value and the egalitarian rule. I prove existence of equilibria and characterize the properties of the two networks. The implications of the equilibria networks for the outcome of the contest are discussed. I find that the winning probability of the network using the Myerson value has an upper bound very close to one half. There is no such upper bound for the network using the egalitarian rule. In my second essay, I examine a dynamic model of network formation in which individuals use reinforcement learning to choose their actions. Typically, economic models of network formation assume the entire network structure to be known to all individuals involved. The introduction of reinforcement learning allows us to relax this assumption. Through the use of a state-dependent reinforcement learning rule, one may allow for varying degrees of information available to the agents. Three informational settings are examined and I determine what networks, if any, each model may converge to in the limit. The long-run behavior of each model is examined through the use of simulations and compared to one another. I find that amount and type of information agents have access plays an important role in which networks emerge when there is no dominant strategy for the agents choosing links. If there is a dominant link choosing strategy, the most efficient network structure quickly emerges in each informational setting. Together, these essays investigate how information, incentives, and competition may affect network formation. Individual incentives in the presence of competition can create tension between an individual's social ties and the overall network size. Information plays a key role in the emergent network topologies when there are no dominate network building strategies.

Over the last two decades the public sector has been the target of significant change driven primarily by advocates of public choice theory who argue that the public sector is too large and inefficient. Changes, grouped under the banner of New Public Management, have therefore been aimed at achieving greater financial accountability through the adoption of private sector management techniques and the opening up to competition of monopolistic government supplied services. Recent reappraisals of these changes have suggested that they have failed to adequately address issues of social justice. It has therefore been proposed that public sector organisations now need to consider more egalitarian methods of service delivery through greater public consultation and involvement in decision making processes. Studies over the last 20 years in the public sector have tended to concentrate on change aimed at achieving New Public Management outcomes. This study adds to theory of culture and culture change in public sector organisations through exploring a change purposefully enacted to enable an organisation to meet both economic rationalist and egalitarian objectives. The primary aim of this thesis is to explore a planned process of cultural change within a technically oriented, public sector organisation to determine the processes used to undertake such change, the resulting outcomes and why these outcomes occur. A case study was used to investigate these areas. The study was longitudinal and used a combination of methods including focus groups, interviews, non-participant observation and document analysis. Historical data was first obtained to form a base from which to examine the process of planned change over a two year period. This method allowed consideration of the impact of contextual changes on the planned process that resulted in some unintended consequences in regard to how change was being driven. The findings conclude that models of planned change that include mechanisms through which diversity is encouraged may provide arenas through which conflict can act as a positive dynamic for change. The outcome of the planned change evidences how a purposefully created hybrid organisational form may be capable of addressing the sometimes conflicting goals of economic rationalism and citizenship participation.

This thesis demonstrates a comparative and analytic discussion of citizenship idea based on two distinct liberal doctrines of two contemporary political philosophers: Brian Barry and William Galston. Barry's egalitarian liberalism argues for 'common citizenship' notion in order to promote liberty and equal treatment of all individuals irrespective of any social differences. On the other hand, 'liberal pluralist citizenship' of William Galston's signifies his liberal pluralism to mitigate cultural and religious conflicts of liberal democratic society. The fundamental disagreements among these liberal approaches over the issues of public recognition of group rights and restricted state authority are analysed in this study. Finally, by analysing both the liberal positions under the challenge of multicultural issues the author defends Galston's liberal idea and judges it as more convincing than Barry's liberal approach.

Most - if not all - conflicts in international relations have - to an extent - something to do with sovereignty. On the theoretical side, we learn at University that either considered as a strong concept or one that has lost relevance, it is still discussed. On the practical side, the prerogatives a State has over its people and territory appear to be the highest. Within these ideal and real backgrounds, there are various sovereignty disputes around the world that struggle between legal and political limbo, status quo and continuous tension with various negative consequences for all the involved parties (e.g. violation of human rights, war, arms trafficking, only to name a few). It is increasingly clear that the available remedies have been less than successful, and a peaceful and definitive solution is needed. This thesis proposes a fair and just way of dealing with certain sovereignty conflicts. Part One presents the core argument to work out the structure upon which this thesis will be developed. There is a traditional idea that sovereignty must be unshared and unlimited. I argue that in actual fact both in theory and in practice sovereignty is always limited. Thereby, I consider how shared sovereignty is possible—how a State can limit itself and stay sovereign. Chapter One, the Introduction, presents the basic constitutive elements of this thesis. Chapter Two examines if sovereignty can be (in fact, may actually be) limited, and therefore can be shared. To show this I use both criticism of the best known theories of sovereignty and investigation of the historical facts. Part Two explores the minimum elements that must be acknowledged conceptually, legally and realistically in order to give flesh to shared sovereignty and the way it needs to work if we want a peaceful understanding amongst the parties concerned. Chapter Three appraises ‘shared sovereignty’ and similar expressions used in political and legal literature. In order to do that, I show which notions of shared sovereignty are not relevant. Chapter Four examines how a relevant notion can be developed, using the analogy of self-ownership. Chapter Five discusses the main remedies applied at international level in sovereignty issues and why proposed alternatives to shared sovereignty will not solve the problem. Part Three considers how distributive justice theories can be in tune with the concept of sovereignty and explores the possibility of a solution for sovereignty conflicts. I argue that shared sovereignty can be that solution based on Rawlsian principles. Chapter Six introduces and explores a new conception of shared sovereignty. Chapter Seven evaluates what sorts of institutions and arrangements could, and would best, realise shared sovereignty so defined by showing in outline how it might be applied to territory, population, government and law. Chapter Eight brings together the main points of this thesis, and shows possible further implications.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This thesis is concerned with the definition of an inclusive democratic educational theory and practice which mediates the assumed tension between individualism and collectivism, difference and equality, and liberty and equality. In Part 1, I set out the elements of an inclusive theory of democracy and then proceed in Part 2 to examine various aspects of educational practice in the light of this. My main claim is that these assumed tensions can be mediated through the conceptualising of our composite identity in terms of the notion of dual social ontology. This refers to our two-fold identities as universal, common human beings and our multiple subjective positions as particular, different individuating beings. Together, these two aspects of our identity constitute the basis for conceptualising our simultaneous commonality and difference and for an inclusive notion of democracy. I argue further that the key to understanding the intersection of commonality and difference in social relations and institutional practices is the concept of the spheres of social relations and their constitutive meanings. The latter provide the criterion by which we can judge the appropriateness of difference or equality in that sphere or in practices which relate to it. In the light of these concepts, I trace the ideological contestation at the heart of democratic theory between liberalism and socialism. My claim is that the mutual limitations of these theories preclude constructing an inclusive theory of democracy which incorporates collective equality and individual liberty in a non-polarised way. I argue that the tension between individualism and collectivism can be mediated by analysing these cluster concepts into non-polarised simpler elements. My main contention is that only self-interested individualism, which assumes individuals as atomistic self-seekers, is necessarily in conceptual conflict with collectivism. The other two elements of individualism which I identify, namely, individuality, our universal common identity as bearers of rights, and individuation, the process of self-development through the expression of the unique difference, are shown to be compatible with collective concerns and the social view of human identity. Together, I suggest, individuality and individuation constitute our dual social ontology and the foundation for moral regard and an inclusive theory of democracy which accommodates difference and commonality. During the discussion, I draw from several theorists who provide inclusive frameworks in terms of the social, dialogical view of human nature and identity formation and who combine contemporary concerns for pluralism and critical social transformation. I examine the conceptual link between education and democracy through the educative notion of democracy and education for democracy. Critical educational theory is explored as an exemplar of an inclusive democratic educational practice incorporating individual and collective dimensions. The dynamics of commonality and difference are traced in key aspects of the educational process, namely, moral development, learning and the relationship between authority and freedom, and with regard to the democratisation of schooling, the appropriate boundary between the spheres of education and of politics, distributive justice in education and the curriculum. I argue throughout that the discursive tool of dual social ontology, along with the concept of the spheres of social relations and their constitutive meanings, provides the conceptual framework by which these tensions can be mediated and incorporated in an inclusive democratic educational theory and practice.

Within human animal studies (HAS), as well as within the posthumanistic field in general, it has been pointed out that we still lack knowledge of how animals can be recognized as subjects and agents with the possession of cognitive and social abilities. At the same time, we see a re-evaluation of the human anthropocentric boundary between Man and the Beast – in the academic world as well as in the practice of everyday life. One example is how the prevalent ways of relating to and handling with horses – our traditional equine cultures – are under transition. Norms, attitudes and practices – not least those relating to equestrian sports – are changing; some people even believe in a “paradigm shift”, while others predict a future “horse revolution”. This ethnological contribution to the field of HAS aims to study the acknowledgement of the horse as subject, how it is being expressed and practised by egalitarian communities within the Swedish horse society, and what the implications of that acknowledgement are, for both human and horse. Consisting of interviews and participant observations and seen through the lens of a phenomenological HAS-perspective, the empirical material shows that the egalitarian approach implies ethical and practical consequences. Not only does it entail considerations regarding such things as horse keeping, riding style, competitions, training and conditioning methods – for some individuals it may also implicate a personal change, as they discover the horse’s message of presence and authenticity

This study aims to shed light on the gendered dynamics of nonviolent resistance and democratisation. Illuminating the role that women can play in the democratisation processes can help underline the importance of women's empowerment.  Therefore, this study aims to answer the research question How can female participation in nonviolent resistance movements lead to a higher likelihood of successful democratisation? I theorise that nonviolent resistance movements enable 1) the elevation of pro-democratic female leaders, and 2) the development of political skills and networks of female participants and women’s organisations. These two factors allow women and women’s groups to continue mobilisation and fight for the institutionalisation of egalitarian democratic norms, which influences democratisation. Using the methods of structured, focused comparison and process tracing, the hypotheses were tested on Brazil’s 1984 Diretas Já Movement and the Philippines' 1986 People Power Revolution. This study found no support for the elevated leader argument, but some support for the development of political skills and networks influencing democratic outcomes. Extra research is warranted to confirm this correlation.

Couples learn to negotiate a complex intersection between household labor and family processes. Using both observational coding and questionnaire self report, this study examined the relationship between father and mothers' reported equality with their division-of-labor, their satisfaction with division-of-labor and their respective positive parenting as observed in taped interaction with a target child while controlling for quality of the relationship between the parents. Findings showed that egalitarian division of labor was positively related to satisfaction in division of labor and that egalitarian division of labor was a significant predictor of mothers' relationship quality, but not fathers' relationship quality. It also showed that fathers', but not mothers', marital relationship quality was found to be correlated with positive parenting and satisfaction with division of labor was a significant predictor of positive parenting for mothers, but not for fathers. Therapists should be mindful of and address the role division of labor plays in a family. Researchers should examine the use of a more comprehensive overview of division of labor tasks.

Emergency managers are often faced with the toughest decisions that can ever be made, people's lives hang in the balance. Nevertheless, these tough decisions have to be made, and made quickly. There is usually too much information to process to make the best decisions. Decision support systems can relieve a significant amount of this onus, making decision while considering the complex interweaving of constraints and resources that define the boundary of the problem. We study these complex emergency management, approaching the problem with discrete optimization. Using our operational research knowledge to model mass casualty incidents, we seek to provide solutions and insights for the emergency managers. This dissertation proposes a novel deterministic model to optimize the casualty transportation and treatment decisions in response to a MCI. This deterministic model expands on current state of the art by; (1) including multiple dynamic resources that impact the various interconnected decisions, (2) further refining a survival function to measure expected survivors, (3) defining novel objective functions that consider competing priorities, including maximizing survivors and balancing equity, and finally (4) developing a MCI response simulation that provides insights to how optimization models could be used as decision-support mechanisms. / Doctor of Philosophy / Emergency managers are often faced with the toughest decisions that can ever be made, people's lives hang in the balance. Nevertheless, these tough decisions have to be made, and made quickly. But to make the best decisions, there is usually too much information to process. Computers and support tools can relieve a significant amount of this onus, making decision while considering the complex interweaving of constraints and resources that define the boundary of the problem. This dissertation provides a mathematical model that relates the important decisions made during a MCI response with the limited resources of the surrounding area. This mathematical model can be used to determine the best response decisions, such as where to send casualties and when to treat them. This model is also used to explore ideas of fairness and equity in casualty outcomes and examine what may lead in unfair response decisions. Finally, this dissertation uses a simulation to understand how this model could be used to not only plan the response, but also update the plan as you learn new information during the response roll-out.

This quasi-experimental study, utilizing quantitative and qualitative descriptive methods, examined the sex-egalitarian attitudes of secondary mathematics teachers from the Ft. Worth Independent School District. A video tape, Women in the Workplace, was used as a training intervention to test the effectiveness of professional development training in altering the mathematics teachers' sex-egalitarian attitudes towards female employment. Information on the video presented seven jobs that provide opportunities for female students in the science, engineering, and technology fields that are considered nontraditional jobs for females. Subjects completed 19 Employment Role domain questions on the King and King (1993) Sex-Role Egalitarianism Scale. A one-way ANOVA was applied to the data to test for a significant difference in the means of the control group, who did not see the video, and the experimental group that viewed the video. Findings concluded that there was no significant difference in the sex equalitarian mean scores of the control group and the experimental group. The research indicated that it takes an intensive and prolonged training period to produce a significant change in people's attitudes. This study supports the research on length of training needed to change sex egalitarian attitudes of classroom teachers. There were data collected on four demographic areas that included gender, age, ethnicity, and years of teaching experience. A two-way ANOVA was applied to four demographic variables to test for interaction and main effect. A significant difference was found between the sex-egalitarian attitudes of male and female mathematics teachers' responses. There were no significant differences found in the sex egalitarian attitudes of secondary mathematics teachers when categorized by levels of age, ethnicity, and years of teaching experience. The information in this study should interest and benefit teachers, parents, students, administrators, and industry leaders.