Abstracts in English, Afrikaans and Tsonga / This study aimed at exploring the role of student-teacher relationships in the educational, social and emotional lives of Form 5 students in Masvingo District. Student-teacher relationship is an important factor in educational research within pre-school settings and primary education, but remains largely neglected in secondary schools. The study was informed by a qualitative and instrumental case study design within the constructivist paradigm. In-depth interviews, focus group discussions, document analysis and reflective journals were used to collect data. General teachers, Guidance and Counselling teachers, educational psychologists and students were purposively sampled. The data were analysed using the thematic content analysis approach. Findings indicate that a decisive understanding of the complex nature of student-teacher relationships is not easy as the field is under-explored in Zimbabwe and multifarious. The participants described student-teacher relationships according to two dimensions, namely a democratic and egalitarian dimension and an authority figure within a subordinate student-teacher dimension. The study further revealed that the personal characteristics of the teachers and students, the educational environment, teaching methods and the schooling community have a direct impact on the quality and nature of student-teacher relationships. In addition, the study established that a democratic and egalitarian relationship between the teacher and students results in positive educational, social and emotional outcomes in the lives of Form 5 students. Likewise, an authority figure within a subordinate student-teacher relationship negatively affects the educational, social and emotional outcomes of students. Lastly, the study revealed that child-centred approaches, reciprocal power-sharing, the positive personal characteristics of the participants and positive labelling can help to improve student-teacher relationships in secondary schools. The study recommends that in order to enhance the educational, social and emotional lives of students, the teacher and students could share the learning environment. In this sense, students’ voices in the selection and development of teaching and learning activities are important and could promote a democratic classroom environment. / Hierdie studie is gerig op die verkenning van die rol van student-onderwyser-verhoudings in die opvoedkundige, sosiale en emosionele lewens van Klas 5-studente in die Masvingo-distrik. Student-onderwyser-verhoudings is ʼn belangrike faktor in opvoedkundige navorsing in voorskoolse omgewings en primêre onderwys, maar word grootliks in sekondêre skole verwaarloos. Die studie is gebaseer op ’n kwalitatiewe en instrumentele gevallestudieontwerp in die konstruktivistiese paradigma. Indringende onderhoude, fokusgroepbesprekings, dokumentontleding en reflektiewe vaktydskrifte is gebruik om data in te samel. Gewone onderwysers, beroepsleiding- en voorligtingsonderwysers, opvoedkundige sielkundiges en studente is doeldienend bestudeer. Die data is ontleed deur gebruikmaking van die benadering van tematieseinhoudontleding. Bevindings dui daarop dat ’n deurslaggewende begrip van die komplekse aard van student-onderwyser-verhoudings nie maklik is nie, aangesien die terrein veelsoortig is en in Zimbabwe onderverken is.Die deelnemers het student-onderwyser-verhoudings volgens twee dimensies beskryf, naamlik ’n demokratiese en egalitêre dimensie aan die een kant en ʼn gesagsfiguur in ’n ondergeskikte student-onderwyser-dimensie aan die ander kant. Die studie het verder aan die lig gebring dat die persoonlike eienskappe van die onderwysers en studente, die opvoedkundige omgewing, onderrigmetodes en die skoolgemeenskap ’n regstreekse uitwerking op die gehalte en aard van student-onderwyser-verhoudings het. Daarbenewens het die studie vasgestel dat ’n demokratiese en egalitêre verhouding tussen die onderwyser en studente positiewe opvoedkundige, sosiale en emosionele uitkomste in die lewens van Klas 5-studente tot gevolg het. Eweneens beïnvloed ʼn gesagsfiguur in ’n ondergeskikte student-onderwyser-verhouding die opvoedkundige, sosiale en emosionele uitkomste van studente negatief. Laastens het die studie aan die lig gebring dat kindgesentreerde benaderings, wederkerige magsdeling, persoonlike eienskappe van die deelnemers en positiewe etikettering kan help om student-onderwyser-verhoudings in sekondêre skole te verbeter. Die studie beveel aan dat die onderwyser en studente die leeromgewing deel ten einde die opvoedkundige, sosiale en emosionele lewens van studente te bevorder. In hierdie verband is studente se stemme in die seleksie en ontwikkeling van onderrig- en leeraktiwiteite belangrik, aangesien dit ’n demokratiese klaskameromgewing kan bevorder. / Ndzavisiso lowu wu naxikongomelo xo kambela vuxaka exikarhi ka muchudeni na mudyondzisi eka vutomi bya swa dyondzo, vuxakelani bya vanhu na ntlhaveko emoyeni eka machudeni ya Form 5 eka Distriki ya Masvingo, eZimbabwe Vuxaka bya muchudeni na mudyondzisi i nchumu wa nkoka eka rhiseche ya swa dyondza eka swiyimo swa dyondzo ya xiyenge xa khreshe, dyondzo ya prayimari, kambe i nchumu lowu wu honisiwaka swinene eka swikolo swa sekondari. Ndzavisiso lowu wu seketeriwe hi ndzavisiso wo tirhisa fambiselo ra qualitative na dizayini ya case study eka paradayimi ya constructivist. Ku endla tiinthavyu to enta, mimburisano na mintlawa yo kongomisa mbulu, ku xopaxopa tidokumente na ku tirhisa ti-reflective journals swi tirhisiwe ku hlengeleta datara. Ku endliwe sampuli hi mathicara ya tidyondzo to nava (general teachers) mathicara ya tidyondzo ta swiletelo hi mintirho, tisayikholojisti ta swa dyondzo na machudeni. Datara yi xopaxopiwe hi ku tirhisa fambiselo leri vuriwaka thematic content analysis kumbe ku xopaxopa hi ku landza tinhlokomhaka to karhi. Vuyelo byi kombisa leswo ku twisisa ku enta hi ku nonon'hwa na ku sohana-sohana ka vuxaka exikarhi ka muchudeni na mudyondzisi a hi nchumu wo olova, hikuva xiyenge lexi a xi si lavisisiwa kahle eka swiyenge swo tala eZimbabwe. Lava va nga na va xiavo va hlamusele vuxaka exikarhi ka muchudeni na thicara hi tindlela timbirhi, leti ku nga leswo thicara i munhu wa fambiselo ra xidimokrasi na ndzinganano, na ndlela ya munhu loyi a nga munhu wa matimba na vutivi eka vuxaka bya muchudeni na thicara. Ndzavisiso wu tlhele wu humelerisa na leswo swihlawulekisi swa muchudeni na mudyondzi hi xiviri, mbangu wa dyondzo, maendlelo yo dyondzisa, na vaaki eka ndhawu ya xikolo swi na vuyelo eka khwaliti na muxaka wa vuxaka exikarhi ka muchudeni na thicara. Na le henhla ka swona, dyondzo yi kume leswo vuxaka bya xidimokrasi na ndzinganano exikarhi ka thicara na machudeni byi na vuyelo lebyinene eka swa dyondzo, vuxakelani bya vanhu na ntlhaveko eka swa moya eka vutomi bya machudeni ya Form 5. Kasi na swona, vuxaka bya ku tirhisa matimba ka thicara (authority figure) na ku vonela machudeni ehansi, swi na vuyelo lebyi nga ri ku lebyinene eka swa dyondzo, vuxakelani na ntlhaveko eka moya eka machudeni. Xo hetelela, dyondzo yi humelerise na leswo maendlelo yo tshikilela ku pfuneta eka n'wana, ku avelana matimba, na swihlawulekisi leswinene swa lava nga na xiavo, na ku nyiketa tilebule letinene eka vana, swi nga pfuneta ku antswisa vuxaka exikarhi ka muchudeni na thicara eswikolweni swa sekondari. Ndzavisiso wu bumabumela leswo ku antswisa swa dyondzo, vuxakelani na ntlhaveko vi emoyeni eka vutomi bya machudeni, thicara na vadyondzi va nga avelana hi ku dyondza eka mbangu wa ku dyondza. Hi ndlela leyi marito ya machudeni eka nhlawulo na nhluvuko eka migingiriko ya ku dyondzisa na ku dyondza i swa nkoka na swona swi nga promota mbangu wa klasi ya xidimokrasi. / Psychology of Education / D. Ed. (Psychology of Education)

This dissertation deals with the sensitive topic of h :,mosexuality. For the most part, the Judeo-Christian tradition regards homosexual practice as sin, and an unacceptable alternative lifestyle for Christians. We looked at the current evangelical ethical position in comparison to this tradition and a liberal approach. Homosexuality is the phenomenon of sexually desiring and having sex with people of the same sex. Evangelicals uphold the centrality of the Bible as God's Word and the supreme guide for faith and practice. Three different sets of questionnaires were completed by homosexuals, evangelical leaders and members respectively and the data analysed. Old and New Testament texts showed that homosexuality is biblically never accepted. Data from homosexuals showed that more than fifty percent homosexuals have had sex with people of the opposite sex, thus not 'exlusive'. Data from evangelicals in South Africa, showed that homosexuality is not an acceptable lifestyle, especially for Christians. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic / M.Th. (Theological Ethics)

Punk rock provided not only a watershed of creativity, innovation and a do-it-yourself spirit to a culture saturated in the mainstream, it physically brought like-minded people together in a community, or rather extended family, which in today’s hyper-d.i.y. culture, is progressively declining. As early as the 1940s, theorists such as Adorno and Horkheimer warned us about alienation in a society increasingly dependent on technology. By looking to punk, and other resilient and robust counter-cultures, perhaps we can find solutions to the pitfalls of the ‘culture industry’ (Adorno, Horkheimer, 1944). My thesis, consisting of a feature-length documentary film and textual analysis, is a culmination of: ethnographic research into the punk scene in my own community; theoretical research into the sociology, ethnography and subculture theory; and my own subjectivity. My personal findings are presented to offer insight into punk philosophy and to spur discourse, rather than deliver an objective account or didactic reproach. / Graduate

This thesis is an examination of whether the “egalitarian model” for political finance that has been established by the Supreme Court of Canada, other Canadian courts and legal scholars and commentators is actually egalitarian and has been applied consistently (in Chapter 2), and whether Canada’s political finance system measures up to the Court’s model (in Chapters 3 and 4), and how it could be changed to comply with a more egalitarian model that would also be ethical in terms of preventing even the appearance of a conflict of interest (in Chapters 6 and 7). Chapter 1 sets out a general theoretical framework for evaluating the Supreme Court’s egalitarian model, and I develop and set out a more egalitarian model in Chapter 5. In the Chapter 8 conclusion, I summarize the findings and propose structural and positive Charter rights court cases as a way forward, given that the platforms federal politicians and political parties from the past few elections, and the reports of parliamentary committees, have not called for the most of the changes I propose are needed to make the system more egalitarian. The thesis addresses political finance broadly defined as money, property, use of property, gifts, services, favours and other benefits and advantages provided to nomination contestants, election candidates and political party leadership contestants, electoral district associations, political parties, politicians and their staff during election campaign periods and also during the time period between elections, including support provided by “third-party” interest groups, lobbyists and other individuals, and by media outlets. In Chapter 3, I examine the rules that apply to each of these political actors in the areas of registration, donations and loans, spending, public subsidies and disclosure (including auditing), including a separate section on the role of media and social media. Given that political systems include providers (whether as contractors or donors) of money, property and the use of property (including gifts and other benefits and advantages), and services (including favours) to politicians, and given that providers could be lobbyists, I also examine in Chapter 4 the rules concerning gifts, favours and other benefits and relations between voters, lobbyists and politicians, and concerning the conflicts of interest that can be caused by these activities. Other than disclosure and auditing, I do not cover enforcement measures or systems in any of the areas. However, I do note at various points in the thesis that, as several studies and history have shown clearly, effective enforcement measures, policies and practices are key to ensure compliance with such rules. The main contentions that I make are: that the key principles of the Supreme Court of Canada’s egalitarian model have not been consistently upheld by the Court and other Canadian courts, that Canada’ federal political finance system does not fulfill the Court’s egalitarian model, and that several changes are needed to make the model and the system more egalitarian, only a few of which have been addressed by Canadian courts and scholars to date. These contentions counter the claim made in the Court’s rulings, and by many scholars and commentators, that Canada’s political finance system has developed and is based on an egalitarian model. In Chapters 5 through 7, I develop a more egalitarian model and set out specific proposed changes to make Canada’s systems more egalitarian, both in theory and in practice, within the framework of a democratic good government political system (meaning a system with separation of powers, elections, human rights protections, rule of law etc.) and a mixed market economy with both public sector institutions and private sector businesses, unions and other organizations (cooperatives, non-profit, religious organizations etc.). Both the model and many of the specific proposed measures should also be applicable in other jurisdictions with different political systems and economic systems. The framework of 19 standards for a more egalitarian model that I develop in Chapter 5 is based mainly on John Rawls’ theory of justice, but modified and expanded to incorporate critiques of Rawls’ theory, other legal principles and democratic good government theories, international standards, government ethics case law, behavioural psychology studies, and evidence of the public’s expectations. The 201 proposals I make in Chapters 6 and 7 for specific changes to the rules of Canada’s current federal political finance system (again, broadly defined), are based on the model, measures from various jurisdictions in Canada and elsewhere, and international standards. I am not claiming that these changes would definitely result in “better” or more “public interest” policy-making decisions, however that would be determined. I am only contending that the framework I develop is more egalitarian than the Supreme Court’s model, and that the rule changes I suggest would make the political finance, gifts, favours, conflict of interest and lobbying systems align with the more egalitarian model I propose. I primarily use the doctrinal research methodology by examining scholarly research and, given I also examine aspects of the laws of Canadian provinces and municipalities, and other countries, I also deploy some aspects of the comparative methodology (most fully when comparing Canada’s federal rules to Quebec’s rules, and somewhat when comparing Canada’s rules to the U.S. and U.K. rules). The research results from these sources inform the conclusions I set out in my thesis. The thesis advances knowledge in the following areas: 1. It is the first complete evaluation of the federal Canadian political finance, gifts-favours-benefits, conflict of interest and lobbying rules and systems in their current state as of May 2023, based on the findings of extensive new research into key parts of these systems; 2. It sets out the first comprehensive analysis of how the Supreme Court of Canada’s egalitarian model has been applied by the Court and other courts inconsistently, in ways that do not comply with the model; 3. It sets out the first analysis of how Canada’s political finance statutory rules, again defined broadly to include rules that apply to donations, loans, gifts, services, favours and other benefits, lobbying and conflicts of interest, do not comply with the Supreme Court’s egalitarian model, based in part on new statistical research set out in 28 charts, and; 4. It sets out a new theoretical framework based on 19 standards, and a comprehensive set of 201 innovative proposals for changes to make Canada’s political finance rules (again defined broadly) more egalitarian, and more ethical in terms of preventing conflicts of interest. Five comprehensive studies of key parts of the political finance, ethics and lobbying systems are also proposed to gather key information needed to inform the design of some of the 201 proposed changes. Eight structural and positive Charter rights cases are also proposed to challenge current rules that do not comply with the egalitarian model.