Since 1995, the Transparency International (known as TI in brief) has assembled and set up the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) based on the findings of investigation into a variety of corrupt practices and promulgated the CPI simultaneously to the entire world every year. Today, CPI has been extensively adopted throughout the world as the index of social economy to deal with corruption. The International Institute for Management Development of Switzerland (known as IMD in brief), on the other hand, promulgates the national competitive edge assessment report every year. The assessment report has aroused critical concern from all key people concerned, both in and out of the government and has been taken as the guidepost for government performance. The disclosure of the aforementioned figures apparently suggests that the overall government performance signifies the spirit, construct, lifestyle, integrity and the performance of duty in combination. The ¡§Proposal to Enhance Decent Moral¡¨, if put into effect thoroughly, must upgrade and spruce up the government image in integrity and function as a catalyst to guide the entire society up to further enhancement. As a result, countries throughout the world have faithfully enforced the anti-corruption. The present study conducts analysis over such systems well performed in Singapore, Hong Kong, Japan and such countries take a comparison with the anti-corrupt organization in Taiwan and anti-corrupt laws and regulations concerned to find out the differences. I, the researcher of the present case, have served with the jurisdictional authority. In my capacity and my expertise in such backgrounds, I will probe into the roles and duties played and performed by the anti-corrupt functionaries through my in-house capacity. It is hoped that in the project of jurisdictional reform, we will be able to enhance the public confidence in the jurisdictional discipline and jurisdictional reliance. The findings so yielded from the study will function as handy reference to the anti-corrupt authorities and functionaries as well as the judicial reform. Among the six major national governance indices latest promulgated by the World Bank, the Republic of China on Taiwan was rated in significant improvement in democracy and freedom of speech. On the other hand, nevertheless, the government efficiency shows a phenomenon of standstill. Meanwhile, Taiwan shows backwardness in the aspects of rule of law, anti-corruption and political stability (Cf. China Times 2005). The findings yielded through the present study may be generalized into the following highlights:¡]I¡^ Taiwan government shows inadequate effort to publicize the ¡§anti-corruption and government official integrity¡¨¡]II¡^ The top barriers against the government efforts in anti-corruption are apparently ¡§insufficient resolve and boldness in the government. ¡]III¡^. The public lack in the trust on the judicial officers. ¡]IV¡^ Enhancement in education in promoting the judicial reform to eradicate bribery, lobbying and unsound social culture should be stepped up.¡]V¡^. The public definitely desires to set up the exclusive anti-corruption authorities as the short-term measures to bring up immediate results. In-short, in the efforts of ¡§government reform¡¨, integrity and efficiency represent the very fundamental demands in the eyes of public. Chang Chu-cheng, a renowned premier in the Ming Dynasty, once said: ¡§The trouble of a nation does not necessarily result from legislation. It results from inadequate enforcement of laws¡¨. The present study, therefore, yields the concrete proposal that the government should set up ¡§Integrity Agency¡¨ as the exclusive anti-corruption authority which is indispensable to eradicate corruption and boost national competitive edge. Key words: Department of government ethics, government ethics official , roles, performance in enforcement, corruption.

The good discipline of the police is not only the foundation of the quality of their work, but also the key to people¡¦s trust on them. Therefore, it¡¦s to studied and discussed that how to strengthen the supervision function of the ethics organizations in the police institutions, and that how to improve its work to achieve the expected goal of anti-corruption. This article is trying to use national and international theory and successful practical experiences of anti-corruption to discuss the positioning of the ethics organizations in the police institutions, the coordination and cooperation between the above organizations, and the functions and possible challenges of ethics organizations, with the example of Kaohsiung City Police Department. This study is theoretically based on the New Institutionalism, and uses the study methods of ¡§documentary analysis¡¨, ¡¨comparative analysis¡¨, and ¡¨in-depth discussion¡¨ to analyze and conclude the related official documents, the work of worldwide scholars and experts, periodicals, theses, and the primary source obtained by in-depth discussion. The results are as follow: 1. The authority and responsibility of the ethics organizations and the inspection departments in the police institutions still needs clarification in improving police discipline and investigation of the corruption. 2. The government ethics officials should improve their professional skills in their own jobs and to know the police¡¦s work better. 3. The ethics organizations should enhance communication and coordination continuously to combine the internal and the external forces to push their anti-corruption job. 4. While investigating, the government ethics officials do not have compulsory power; it may affect the execution of corruption investigation. 5. There are no Ethics Organizations in the affiliated institutions of the Police Department, which may affect the implementing of anti-corruption business. According to the findings of related researches, this article makes some concrete suggestions about how to promote the anti-corruption business of the ethics organizations in the police institutions. There are also some suggestions of policy-making. All of them can be used as references for the establishment of ethics organizations in other police institutions, and for the implementing of their business, too.

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Abstract To build the clean government has become a new trend of the political reforms all over the world, and an important symbol of high national competitiveness. In order to establish people¡¦s trust to the government and ensure public servants done their duty justice, Act on Recusal of Public Servants Due to Conflicts of Interest (ARPSCI) is enacted to protect the value of democracy and the foundation of ethics and also implement the accountability. With the social changes and the evolution of democracy, ARPSCI has been implemented during the past decade since July 12, 2000, and there are a lot of issues waiting for solutions. This paper studies on ARPSCI by five major principles of administrative law, and collects data from newspapers and literatures. It reveals the policy-making background of ARPSCI through prospects of society, economy, politics, and legislation. Furthermore, the author compares Taiwan¡¦s legislation with the other countries¡¦ conflict of interest systems, and reviews ARPSCI by the three principles of rule by law, the seven principles of due process; identifies the purpose and value of ARPSCI by the viewpoints of the local self-governing and the individual¡¦s participation. As mentioned above, this paper clarifies the orientation and value of ARPSCI; then discusses about the design of administrative organizations, staff, and budget to support ARPSCI. It also researches whether ARPSCI was designed properly for good performance under the review of nine kinds of administrative authority. Moreover, it discusses whether ARPSCI¡¦s remedy procedure is proper, and advice to improve self-control function of the act. In short, after analyzing completely, it finds that ARPSCI has lots of institutional problems in the dimensions of basic principle, administrative organization, restriction of administrative power, administrative remedy, and administrative supervision. Therefore, in order to meet people's expectations and construct a fair conflict of interest system, the author proposes personal suggestions.

The purpose of this thesis is to reflect on the importance that deception has had on the efficient functioning of societies and the development of individuals. I attempt to do so by adopting an historical perspective, analysing the development of the notion of lawful deception during the Middle Ages and, mainly, the Early Modern Age through theological and political discourses. The scope of my investigation is pan-European. I examine sources from the major Western territories, but I pay special attention to those produced in the Spanish-Habsburg Empire, which was a major political and cultural entity during this period. My claim is that between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries, the West witnessed the formation of what I call an "Ethics of Deception:" a trend of thought that, without challenging the Augustinian prohibition of lying, recognised deception as intrinsic to nature and mankind, thereby justifying its use from moral and political perspectives. I explain how this intellectual process was conducted, fostered by new social realities, and helped by the flourishing of casuistry, tacitism and neostoicism. Furthermore, I argue that the acceptance of deception contributed to the creation of a new view of the world, language and human interaction. A view that is in the very basis of some of the most characteristic features of Baroque art and that opened the door to some of the most transcendental cultural changes of the period, such as the creation of politics governed by reason rather than faith, the secularisation of social behaviour, and the emergence of the notions of individualism, privacy and freedom of thought. For these reasons, I claim that deception played an important role in the shaping of Modernity.

Thesis (M. Dev.) -- University of Limpopo, 2002. / Refer to the document

在整體大環境求新求變的趨勢下，行政機關面臨許多外在環境衝擊，而開始思考突破傳統的管理方法加以因應，是故政風機構自民國81年9月16日改制成立，分階段設定不同工作目標，從「肅貪行動方案」、「預防重於查處、興利優於防弊、服務代替干預」、「反浪費、反腐敗、反貪污之「預防性政風」、至以民為本之廉政新構想的「行動政風」，都是為了因應社會變化與需求所作之創新改變。因此，本研究以臺北市政府公務人員為對象，將政風機構工作績效以訪談方式進行質化研究分析，以瞭解公務人員對於政風機構核心價值與工作績效之認識程度及功能效益之評析。 本研究經質化訪談研究發現如下： 一、 政風機構在主動度部分，受訪者對其主動協助機關辦理大型活動之安全維護工作及擔任溝通協調角色，均予正面肯定評價。 二、 政風機構在成效度部分，受訪者透過廉能宣導活動能加深反貪倡廉理念，並藉與機關業務或活動結合方式，更能有效達到反貪理念的深化與活化。 三、 政風機構在配合度部分，受訪者肯定政風同仁對交辦業務盡心盡力之工作表現。 四、 政風機構在精進度部分，近年導入風險管理推行政風業務，能機先掌握機關可能發生違常之人、事、時、地、物之風險，並於危機發生時能迅速妥處，降低傷害。 / With the development of social pluralism and external environmental impact, government agencies had to rethink about their traditional management ideas and how to improve them. Therefore, Since September 16, 1992, Government Ethics Office (GEO) has begun restructuring different stages of target , from the early stages of「Anti-Corruption Action Plan」 to 「Plans of Crime Prevention, Positive Measures, Daily Recommendations, and Anti-Waste & Anti-Corruption」to the current「Mobilization of Government Ethics Plan」which are all in response to public demand made by social changes. The study was based on the employees of Taipei City Government through qualitative interviews and research, as well as, analysis on public awareness and benefits towards job performance and core values. The essence of research findings are as follows： 1. GEO Initiatives: respondents provided positive evaluations towards GEO Communication, coordination, maintenance, and security during large scale events 2. GEO Effectiveness: Strengthening the concept of anti-corruption and reducing crime rate by promoting more effective anti-corruption action plan 3. GEO Cooperation: striking positive evaluation on job performances 4. GEO Refined Progresses: with the implementation of risk management in recent years, GEO were able to lower the risk occurring at organization and deal with them quickly as well.

This thesis is an examination of whether the “egalitarian model” for political finance that has been established by the Supreme Court of Canada, other Canadian courts and legal scholars and commentators is actually egalitarian and has been applied consistently (in Chapter 2), and whether Canada’s political finance system measures up to the Court’s model (in Chapters 3 and 4), and how it could be changed to comply with a more egalitarian model that would also be ethical in terms of preventing even the appearance of a conflict of interest (in Chapters 6 and 7). Chapter 1 sets out a general theoretical framework for evaluating the Supreme Court’s egalitarian model, and I develop and set out a more egalitarian model in Chapter 5. In the Chapter 8 conclusion, I summarize the findings and propose structural and positive Charter rights court cases as a way forward, given that the platforms federal politicians and political parties from the past few elections, and the reports of parliamentary committees, have not called for the most of the changes I propose are needed to make the system more egalitarian. The thesis addresses political finance broadly defined as money, property, use of property, gifts, services, favours and other benefits and advantages provided to nomination contestants, election candidates and political party leadership contestants, electoral district associations, political parties, politicians and their staff during election campaign periods and also during the time period between elections, including support provided by “third-party” interest groups, lobbyists and other individuals, and by media outlets. In Chapter 3, I examine the rules that apply to each of these political actors in the areas of registration, donations and loans, spending, public subsidies and disclosure (including auditing), including a separate section on the role of media and social media. Given that political systems include providers (whether as contractors or donors) of money, property and the use of property (including gifts and other benefits and advantages), and services (including favours) to politicians, and given that providers could be lobbyists, I also examine in Chapter 4 the rules concerning gifts, favours and other benefits and relations between voters, lobbyists and politicians, and concerning the conflicts of interest that can be caused by these activities. Other than disclosure and auditing, I do not cover enforcement measures or systems in any of the areas. However, I do note at various points in the thesis that, as several studies and history have shown clearly, effective enforcement measures, policies and practices are key to ensure compliance with such rules. The main contentions that I make are: that the key principles of the Supreme Court of Canada’s egalitarian model have not been consistently upheld by the Court and other Canadian courts, that Canada’ federal political finance system does not fulfill the Court’s egalitarian model, and that several changes are needed to make the model and the system more egalitarian, only a few of which have been addressed by Canadian courts and scholars to date. These contentions counter the claim made in the Court’s rulings, and by many scholars and commentators, that Canada’s political finance system has developed and is based on an egalitarian model. In Chapters 5 through 7, I develop a more egalitarian model and set out specific proposed changes to make Canada’s systems more egalitarian, both in theory and in practice, within the framework of a democratic good government political system (meaning a system with separation of powers, elections, human rights protections, rule of law etc.) and a mixed market economy with both public sector institutions and private sector businesses, unions and other organizations (cooperatives, non-profit, religious organizations etc.). Both the model and many of the specific proposed measures should also be applicable in other jurisdictions with different political systems and economic systems. The framework of 19 standards for a more egalitarian model that I develop in Chapter 5 is based mainly on John Rawls’ theory of justice, but modified and expanded to incorporate critiques of Rawls’ theory, other legal principles and democratic good government theories, international standards, government ethics case law, behavioural psychology studies, and evidence of the public’s expectations. The 201 proposals I make in Chapters 6 and 7 for specific changes to the rules of Canada’s current federal political finance system (again, broadly defined), are based on the model, measures from various jurisdictions in Canada and elsewhere, and international standards. I am not claiming that these changes would definitely result in “better” or more “public interest” policy-making decisions, however that would be determined. I am only contending that the framework I develop is more egalitarian than the Supreme Court’s model, and that the rule changes I suggest would make the political finance, gifts, favours, conflict of interest and lobbying systems align with the more egalitarian model I propose. I primarily use the doctrinal research methodology by examining scholarly research and, given I also examine aspects of the laws of Canadian provinces and municipalities, and other countries, I also deploy some aspects of the comparative methodology (most fully when comparing Canada’s federal rules to Quebec’s rules, and somewhat when comparing Canada’s rules to the U.S. and U.K. rules). The research results from these sources inform the conclusions I set out in my thesis. The thesis advances knowledge in the following areas: 1. It is the first complete evaluation of the federal Canadian political finance, gifts-favours-benefits, conflict of interest and lobbying rules and systems in their current state as of May 2023, based on the findings of extensive new research into key parts of these systems; 2. It sets out the first comprehensive analysis of how the Supreme Court of Canada’s egalitarian model has been applied by the Court and other courts inconsistently, in ways that do not comply with the model; 3. It sets out the first analysis of how Canada’s political finance statutory rules, again defined broadly to include rules that apply to donations, loans, gifts, services, favours and other benefits, lobbying and conflicts of interest, do not comply with the Supreme Court’s egalitarian model, based in part on new statistical research set out in 28 charts, and; 4. It sets out a new theoretical framework based on 19 standards, and a comprehensive set of 201 innovative proposals for changes to make Canada’s political finance rules (again defined broadly) more egalitarian, and more ethical in terms of preventing conflicts of interest. Five comprehensive studies of key parts of the political finance, ethics and lobbying systems are also proposed to gather key information needed to inform the design of some of the 201 proposed changes. Eight structural and positive Charter rights cases are also proposed to challenge current rules that do not comply with the egalitarian model.