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This thesis explores the role of fresh water in Bronze Age Crete. It presents a catalogue of Minoan water management systems, and investigates the ways in which these systems were incorporated into broader social, political, economic, religious and cultural processes and practices. While the primary focus of this thesis revolves around the data collected on water management systems, it also explores the place of fresh water in Minoan art, iconography, and ritual action. While water is a fundamental resource, and the provision of fresh water on Crete is affected by special geological, geographic, and climatological issues, this has been a largely neglected area in the literature on Minoan archaeology. The thesis seeks to redress this neglect, and argues that the evidence reveals a culture that was deeply concerned with fresh water, developing technologically sophisticated solutions, and devoting considerable economic resources, and political and religious attention to it. One of the key claims of this thesis is that fresh water was a meaningful and valued commodity in Bronze Age Crete, and certain sources of water were particularly revered. This status was exploited by elite groups, who invested in often monumental and highly visible systems for collecting and storing fresh water, in order to assert and reaffirm their special status. Fresh water was also incorporated into ritual practice, and – through its innate capacity to act as a conduit for complex meanings and metaphors – participated in the construction of Minoan religious and cultural beliefs. This thesis also draws out the ways in which water’s religious meaningfulness was incorporated into elite strategies of social control and the construction of an ideology of difference.

No description available.

在眾多新聞報導或是學術論文中，描述到改革開放之後中共政治領導精英的資歷特徵時，皆認可現今中共領導人具有技術官僚出身的背景，但到底技術官僚定義為何？又現今中共領導階層果真多為技術官僚？技術官僚治國實能展現與職業官僚(career bureaucrats)迥異的執政風格？針對這些命題，卻是很少學者能夠提出一個完整而清晰的解釋。 針對以上所提出的疑問，形成了本論文的問題意識與架構，除了第一章導論與最後一章結論外，依序可以分成定義、起源、過程、影響四個部分，進一步說明： 一、從定義方面，何謂技術官僚？在第二章「技術官僚理論」中，提出本文對於技術官僚的定義：技術官僚是一個受過科學、技術等相關學科大學以上高等教育者，擁有專業的知識經驗，掌握政治上權力並傾向推動理性化決策機制，致力發展社會經濟。進而觀察技術官僚理論的歷史脈絡，主要分成兩大主軸發展，包括著重於社會專業技術發展背景的「後工業社會理論」以及著重於國家體制轉變的「漸常化理論」。最後，針對技術官僚理論中的兩大爭議，提出本文的看法：在技術官僚與政治技術官僚爭議方面，技術官僚將超越普通官僚佔據政治上的主導地位，因此採取技術官僚的說法是比較適合的；在有關民主化爭議方面，「政治最小化改革論」正說明技術官僚對於民主化的心態。 二、從起源方面，技術官僚在中共領導階層中興起原因為何？在第三章「中共技術官僚興起的背景」中，著眼於中國大陸的獨特性，從宏觀與微觀兩個方面，進行對於中共技術官僚興起原因的闡釋。在宏觀方面，由於技術官僚具備靈活政策執行能力的特性與經濟發展的觀點，讓中共得以應付極權主義衰退、威權主義興起所帶來的衝擊，創造新的合法性以維持統治地位。在微觀方面，鄧小平理論當中紅專論、科教興國論成為指導思想，新型態的幹部遞補制度則淘汰了年老、不具競爭力的革命幹部，建立年輕、具有執行力的幹部隊伍，這些措施皆幫助技術官僚在中共政治舞台上的興起。 三、從過程方面，中共政治領導精英是否為技術官僚？在第四章「中共技術官僚的發展—政治局案例分析」中，以十二大到十六大政治局作為樣本，從汰換率、教育、職業三個指標驗證中共技術官僚的形成，技術官僚在中共政治領導精英當中的發展，主要可分為三個時期：1982-1987年的「醞釀期」、1987-1997年的「成長期」，1997年之後的「成熟期」。時至今日，技術官僚不但佔了政治局委員一半以上，甚至每位政治局常委皆有技術官僚的背景，由此推論技術官僚已佔據中共政治體制當中的主導地位。 四、從影響方面，技術官僚制是否對於中國大陸政治具有影響力？是否真如理論中所言展現出有別於革命幹部新型態的統治方式？在第五章「中共技術官僚制的影響—三峽大壩決策分析」當中，對照改革開放前後三峽大壩決策方式的差異，革命幹部時期領導人是以防洪、國家安全，以及動員式思考的觀點出發，一元化、非專業化地推動三峽大壩的決策過程，專家能夠論證的空間狹小；技術官僚時期則著重三峽大壩對於經濟發展的帶動效應，決策方式較為多元化、專業化，不同領域的專家能夠針對三峽大壩能有較開放的意見討論空間。由此證明技術官僚理論對於解釋中國大陸政治確有其有效性，也解決了長久以來技術官僚制僅限於理論說明而不能提出實證依據的困境。 本文在結論部分回歸理論層次，反思後社會主義時期精英轉型，學界曾提出兩種對立的觀點：精英再生產理論與精英循環理論，若就中共政治領導精英的更替而言，本文支持精英循環理論的觀點，認為舊的革命幹部已被新型態的技術官僚所取代，老幹部們不再繼續掌握政治甚至社會上的權力。另外，在中共技術官僚制發展成熟之後，經濟以及法律相關系統出身的官僚將會逐漸增加，成為未來注意中共精英政治發展新的焦點。 / Numerous news reports or academic papers with describing the political elites in CCP after the open and reform in 1980’s have mostly recognized that nowadays the leaders of CCP have the same background of technocrats. But who’s technocrat? Are most of CCP’s political leaders technocrats? Is technocracy different from bureaucracy? Few scholars have a complete and clear explanation for this. These questions lead to the main idea and structure of the dissertation, except the first and the last chapter, which is divided in four parts: definition, origin, process, and influence. These four parts are as follows: About the definition, what’s the kind of man so-called “technocrat”? In the second chapter “technocratic theory,” the definition of technocrat is: a technocrat is a highly educated person, who majors in science and technical fields in result of having professional knowledge and experiences. He (She) holds political power in hand, inclines to move decision-making machines into rationalization, and devotes himself (herself) faithfully to develop social economics. Following history step by step, the technocratic theory develops toward two main directions: one is the theory of post-industrial society that focuses on the development of professional technology in modern society; the other is the theory of devolution that focuses on the transformation of national system. Moreover, for two arguments in technocratic theory, our points are as follows: about the difference between technocracy and political technocracy, technocrats will be taking much advantage in politics over career bureaucrats so that the version of technocracy is appropriate; political minimalism describes the attitude of technocrat toward democracy. About the origin, why technocrats could rise in the leading class of CCP? The third chapter “the background of CCP’s technocrats,” focusing on the unique of Mainland China, explains the reason from macroscopic and microscopic vision why technocrats rise. From macroscopic vision, because of technocrats’ policy-enforcing capability and economic-developing ability, CCP could not only control the impact that totalitarianism declines while authoritarianism rises but also establish new legitimacy to maintain its governance. From microscopic vision, the theory of “expert is red” and the strategy of “rejuvenate the country through science and education” direct politics elite recruitment system that young and capable elites replace revolutionary cadres. These measures actually help technocracy built in politics of CCP. About the process, are CCP’s political leaders technocrats? In the fourth chapter “the development of technocrats in CCP: a case study of politburo committee,” it examines the formation of technocrats from 12th to 16th politburo members of CCP with three indexes: recruitment, education, and profession. The development of CCP’s technocrats can be divided in three phases: the recessive period from 1982 to 1987, the growing period from 1987 to 1997, the mature period after 1997.Nowadays, technocrats have been more than 50% in politburo members of CCP. What is more, every standing member of politburo is the technocrat and technocrats take great advantage of political system in Mainland China. About the influence, do technocrats have important influence over Chinese politics? Is technocracy different from bureaucracy as the theory describes? The fifth chapter “the influence of CCP’s technocracy: an analysis of the decision-making process of Three Gorges Dam” compares the difference between the decision-making processes of Three Gorges Dam before and after 1980’s: during the period of revolutionary cadres, political leaders focus on the point of view in preventing flood, national security, and mobilization that drive the decision into monopoly, un-profession, and little discussion of experts; during the period of technocracy, political leaders focus on the promotion of booming economy, meanwhile, drive the decision into pluralism, professionalism, and open discussion. From above, it confirms that technocratic theory has its validity for politics in Mainland China and solves the dilemma of only theory but no actual evidence in technocracy. After all, we turn into the level of theory about the elite transformation during post-Communist period that includes two points of view: theory of elite reproduction and theory of elite circulation. As the recruitment of political leading elite in CCP, theory of elite reproduction is a better explanation because old revolutionary cadres, no longer have political even social power, are replaced by the new type of technocrats. Eventually, after technocracy has been developed maturely, elites who are professional in economics and law will become important and attractive points in the research field of CCP’s elite politics in the near future.

在本研究中，我通過對中國共產黨第十七屆中央委員之間的共事網絡的蒐集和分析，探索的是胡錦濤時代的黨國權力的集中化特徵。作為一個高度組織化的列寧式政黨，中國共產黨在21世紀初期依然保持了對中國的有效的威權統治，其政權的穩定和不穩定性是外界高度關注的焦點，但長期以來也因為資訊的不透明而被視為「黑盒子」。因為任何組織或者制度都是鑲嵌在社會關係中的，而組織內的共事關係是使組織作為組織運轉的重要社會關係，對共事網絡的研究有助於釐清中共作為一個菁英式政黨的組織邏輯。研究結果顯示，傳統的恩庇侍從、派系或者官僚模型對中共權力集中化的解釋都是有限的。在胡錦濤的第二屆中共中央總書記任期內，中共政治菁英的共事網絡中出現的是高度的團體與團體之間鑲嵌的狀況，結構洞大量地存在。而在控制了政治資歷變項的影響後，開放網絡中的社會資本對十七大政治菁英在十八大後擔任黨國的重要職位的機率有顯著的正向影響。社會鑲嵌應有助於解釋中共的威權韌性。 / Through collecting and analyzing the colleague network of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s 17th Central Committee, this research attempts to analyze the characteristic of the party state’s power centralization in the Hu Jintao era. As a highly organized Leninist party, the CCP still effectively maintains its authoritarian control of China at the beginning of the 21st century. The stability and instability of the regime has always been of great interest to outside observers, but its elite politics has always been seen as a “black box” because of its lack of transparency. Insofar as all organizations and institutions are embedded in social relations, and colleague relationships inside an organization are key social relationships that facilitate the organization to run as an organization, a study of the CCP’s colleague network would help to explicate the elitist party’s organizational logic. My finding suggests that classical models of patron-clientelism, factionalism, or bureaucracy provide only limited explanation of the CCP’s current form of power centralization. During Hu Jintao’s second term serving as the General Secretary of the Party, there exist a great amount of mutual embeddedness and structural holes among different groups inside the colleague network of the CCP’s political elites. After controlling the effect of political qualification variables, their amount of social capitals in open networks have significant positive correlation with their chance of occupying more advanced positions after the 18th Party Congress. Social embeddedness helps to explain the CCP’s authoritarian resilience.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 998790 bytes, checksum: 78caf12a801f607ea43cdbadcb09b204 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation - belonging to the line of research of Regional History in the Post Graduate Program in History of the Federal University of Paraíba, within the area of Historic Culture - comes on the relationship between Paraiba and the formation of the national state during the Regency period (1831- 1840) from the look of political culture . The Regency is the period between the abdication of Emperor d. Pedro I and the adult age of your child d. Pedro II. Aware of the importance of this period for the formation of the national state analyzed by the Annals of the Brazilian Parliament and the provincial government documents, how was the participation of Paraíba deputies in the Chamber of Deputies, we seek to understand their contribution to the debates that traced the course of formation of the nationstate . After the abdication, April 7, 1831, passed the House Representative to discuss important issues for maintaining national unity. Between the first measure taken by the institution include the creation of the National Guard in 1832 as a way to contain the expressions of people and troops who invaded the streets of the Court and have spread to other provinces. In 1834 , after numerous discussions among parliamentarians, about the importance of giving the provinces federal autonomy , the Additional Act was approved. The Additional Act added articles of Law of the Imperial Constitution, something unheard for the new Empire. And among other things, established the creation of a Legislative Assembly in each province. This new formal institution of power allowed the provinces they held some autonomy, while slowly withdrew from councils the power that was characteristic of them since the colonial period. During this period were put into political debate projects liberal and conservative character, and perceive through the Annals of the Brazilian Parliament the involvement of parliamentarians paraibanos in debates that were on the order of the day, at the same time, the defense of their positions was not fixed, but mutable. Changed their position according to the interests of the political group, or even their personal interests. Thus, we analyzed the provincial political scene as well as we seek to demonstrate the relationship between deputies paraibanos and their allied bases in the province, what we understand to be the local political elite. / Esta dissertação - vinculada à linha de pesquisa História Regional do Programa de Pós Graduação em História da Universidade Federal da Paraíba, com área de concentração em História e Cultura Histórica - trata da relação entre a Paraíba e a formação do Estado nacional durante o período Regencial (1831-1840) a partir do conceito da cultura política. A Regência corresponde ao período entre a abdicação do Imperador d. Pedro I e a maioridade de seu filho d. Pedro II. Cientes da importância desse período para a formação do Estado nacional analisamos os Anais do Parlamento Brasileiro e documentos do Poder Executivo Provincial, como se deu a participação dos deputados paraibanos na Câmara dos Deputados, e a contribuição destes para os debates que traçaram os rumos da formação do Estado-nação. Após a abdicação, em 7 de abril de 1831, a Câmara dos Deputados passou a debater questões fundamentais para a manutenção da unidade nacional. Entre as primeiras providências tomadas por essa instituição destacamos à criação da Guarda Nacional, em 1831, como uma forma de conter as manifestações de povo e tropa que invadiram as ruas da Corte e se disseminaram por outras províncias. Em 1834, após inúmeros debates entre os parlamentares, a respeito da importância de conceder as províncias autonomia federativa, foi aprovado o Ato Adicional. O ato acrescentou artigos de Lei a Constituição Imperial, algo inédito para o Império recém-formado. E entre outras medidas, estabeleceu a criação de uma Assembleia Legislativa em cada província. Essa nova instituição formal de poder permitiu que as províncias detivessem certa autonomia, ao passo que lentamente retirou das Câmaras municipais o poder que lhes era característico desde o período colonial. Durante este período foram postos em debate projetos políticos de caráter liberal e conservador, e percebemos através dos Anais do Parlamento Brasileiro o envolvimento dos deputados paraibanos nos debates que estavam na ordem do dia, ao mesmo tempo em que, a defesa de seus posicionamentos não era fixa, mas sim, mutáveis. Mudavam de posicionamento de acordo com os interesses do grupo político, ou mesmo seus interesses pessoais. Assim, analisamos o cenário político provincial, buscando demostrar a relação existente entre os deputados gerais paraibanos e suas respectivas bases aliadas na província, o que compreendemos ser a elite política local. Bem como visamos compreender a contribuição dos representantes paraibanos para a formação do Estado nacional, através de sua atuação na Câmara Geral, no Rio de Janeiro.

婦女的政治參與是促進性別平等的重要條件。中國的經濟改革帶來了在該國的社會和經濟部門大量的改進。然而，權力，政治文化和經濟的原因與其他社會文化因素相結合的政權的壟斷，導致婦女在中國的政治生活中連續的統治。本研究結合使用的輔助研究方法與合理的數據量涵蓋1977至2013年的婦女在選擇的最高政治機構的存在。該研究發現，女性在整個政治委員會代表性不足，但最糟糕的政府高層官員（精英）和黨的機構。這意味著，在國家層面，政治仍然是男性領域，有超過黨的機構也存在著一個嚴峻的陽剛壟斷。婦女被真正發現，如議會，他們的存在只是作為在中國共產黨的利益高於性別平等或行使平等權利的真正意義上滿足全球重要的還是國內需求的來源（男人之間和女性）在確定他們的社會事務。 / Women’s participation in politics is an important requirement for gender equality. China’s economic reform has brought massive improvements in the social and economic sectors of the country. However, the regime’s monopoly of power, political culture and economic reasons in combination with other socio-cultural factors has resulted to continuous domination of women in China’s political life. This study has employed a secondary research approach in combination with a reasonable data quantity covering 1977 to 2013 on the presence of women in selected top political institutions. The study finds out that women are under-represented across the political board but worst in top government (elite) and party institutions. This means that, at the state level, politics remains a domain for men and there exist a stern masculine monopoly over party institutions also. Where women are genuinely found, such as the parliament, their presence only serves as a source of meeting an important global or domestic requirement in the interest of the Chinese Communist Party than a true sense of gender equality or exercise of an equal right (between men and women) in determining the affairs of their society.