Orientador: Cristina de Campos / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T11:29:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos-Rocha_EdneiaSilva_D.pdf: 2414561 bytes, checksum: bc31afd4e90013dc15cd201cdb87ef24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: As fundações privadas sem fins lucrativos são entidades que se constituem por um conjunto de bens direcionados teoricamente para fins religiosos, morais, culturais ou de assistência. No entanto, nessa tese demonstrou-se que essas entidades procuraram fabricar e institucionalizar modelos dominantes, fomentando instituições estratégicas e formando lideranças acadêmicas. Essas fundações fazem certas imposições em relação aos projetos aprovados de forma indireta. Isso porque definem os parâmetros institucionais, profissionais e intelectuais dos seus beneficiários, e sugerem as agendas de pesquisa de acordo com seus interesses. Supõem-se que as parcerias estabelecidas entre fundações privadas e seus donatários envolveram articulações sociais, políticas, ideológicas e econômicas, pois essas entidades foram agentes dessas formulações para promover projetos de ordem social liberal. Nesse contexto, o objetivo desta tese é entender o relacionamento da Fundação Ford com instituições brasileiras, principalmente sua parceria com a Fundação Getúlio Vargas (FGV), instituição que encontra-se entre as primeiras donatárias da Fundação Ford no Brasil. Por meio de análises teóricas e com o uso de metodologia quanti-qualitativa, procedeu-se a análise de diferentes dados de pesquisa, uma vez que a convergência de resultados advindos de fontes distintas ofereceu evidências sobre os convênios e acordos estabelecidos. Assim, organizou-se e analisou-se os dados, a partir de fontes primárias como os Relatórios Anuais da Fundação Ford e fontes secundárias como: a base de dados digital de doações da Fundação Ford, o repositório digital da FGV e a consulta a diversos sites dos donatários identificados na pesquisa. O estudo constatou que a Fundação Ford no Brasil patrocinou principalmente fundações, associações, universidades e organizações não governamentais, nas quais procurou encontrar soluções "científicas" para os problemas sociais, canalizando esforços intelectuais para manter a ordem social estabelecida pelas classes dominantes. Desse modo, a fundação norte-americana promoveu consensos entre intelectuais e instituições dominantes da sociedade brasileira, que funcionaram como multiplicadores das ideologias e modelos institucionais, como pode ser evidenciado entre a parceria entre Fundação Ford e FGV / Abstract: Private foundations are non-profit entities that theoretically constitute a set of targeted goods for religious, moral, cultural or assistance purposes. However, this thesis shows that these entities have sought to manufacture and institutionalize dominant models, fostering strategic institutions and graduate academic leaders. These foundations make indirectly charges in exchange for approved projects. It happens because they define the institutional, professional and intellectual parameters of their beneficiaries, and suggest research agendas according to their interests. It assumes that the partnerships between private foundations and their grantees involves social, political, ideological and economic joints, because these entities are agents of such formulations to promote liberal and social projects. In this context, the aim of this thesis is to understand the relationship of the Ford Foundation (FF) with Brazilian institutions, especially its partnership with the Getúlio Vargas Foundation (FGV), an institution that is among the first grantee of FF in Brazil. Through theoretical analysis and quantitative and qualitative methodology, different research data were analyzed, since the convergence of results, which came from different sources, provided evidence of the covenants and agreements reached. So data were organized and analyzed from primary sources such as the Annual Reports of the FF and secondary sources such as: a digital database of grants from the FF, the digital repository of FGV and several sites of grantees identified in the survey. This study found that FF in Brazil sponsored mainly foundations, associations, universities and nongovernmental organizations, in which sought to find "scientific" solutions to social problems, channeling intellectual efforts to maintain the social order established by the dominant classes. Thus, the US foundation promoted consensus among intellectuals and dominant institutions of Brazilian society, who have acted as multipliers of ideologies and institutional models, as evidenced from the partnership between FF and FGV / Doutorado / Politica Cientifica e Tecnologica / Doutora em Política Científica e Tecnológica

Tesis para optar al grado de Magíster en Estudios de Género y Cultura en América Latina. / En este sentido, este trabajo podría ser un esfuerzo en la tarea política actual de localizar, caracterizar y relacionarse con el adversario. Utilizo este vocabulario de “guerra”, concediéndole al/la lector/a la duda tanto frente a un lenguaje hoy opaco, como ante el hecho de que puede ser este un intento algo ingenuo que todavía confía en la razón como ‘abrelatas’ de lo desconocido, del misterio. Aún así, creo que la contemporánea opacidad de los soberanos globales, es una razón suficientemente solidaria del deseo de identificarlos, resistir y ganar. Deseo inscrito, sin embargo, en un Chile Actual que desde una elite específica, ha sido incapaz de garantizar el espacio de lo político, y con ello, la experiencia de pluralismo que permite conducir la agresión por vías democráticas reales. La “guerra” a la que apelo, es en este sentido coherente con la tesis de Chantal Mouffe: “Los múltiples gritos de alarma ante los peligros del populismo o de un posible retorno del fascismo son señales del creciente desasosiego de una izquierda, que ha perdido su identidad y que, al no poder pensar en términos de adversario, busca desesperadamente un enemigo que pueda devolverle una apariencia de unidad. (...) El compromiso fundamental para la reflexión política consiste en examinar cómo es posible realizar ese desplazamiento a fin de transformar el enemigo en adversario.(...) La andadura que caracteriza esta colección sigue las huellas de ese tipo de cuestionamiento. Con ese fin propone distinguir entre ‘lo político’, ligado a la dimensión de antagonismo y de hostilidad que existe en las relaciones humanas, antagonismo que se manifiesta como diversidad de las relaciones sociales, y ‘la política’, que apunta a establecer un orden, a organizar la coexistencia humana en condiciones que son siempre conflictivas, pues están atravesadas por ‘lo’ político.(...) Una vez que hemos distinguido de esta manera entre antagonismo (relación con el enemigo) y agonismo (relación con el adversario), podemos comprender por qué el enfrentamiento agonal, lejos de representar un peligro para la democracia, es en realidad su condición misma de existencia”(1999:11-16).

Thesis advisor: Ted Youn / This study is about access for low-income students at an elite boarding school. As "feeder schools" to elite colleges and universities, elite boarding schools play a significant role in determining which students will be in the upper class in America; however, little is known about the history of low-income students at these schools. The purpose of this study is to examine the history of access at one elite boarding school through the frameworks of organizational saga and institutional theory to enhance understanding of how the concepts of access and opportunity at elite institutions have developed over time. Employing a historical, organizational case study approach, this study uses archival research, document review, and interviews with school leaders to construct a developmental history of Phillips Academy, in Andover, Massachusetts. Findings from data collection and analysis revealed a profound organizational saga oriented towards access that has guided Phillips Academy through its development. Phillips Academy's powerful organizational saga of access is embraced by senior leaders, faculty, and alumni, and has deepened their commitment to the historical traditions of the institution. This organizational saga allowed the school to survive and thrive, despite major changes in its organizational field over the last century. By fostering deep commitment among multiple actors throughout the institution's history, Phillips Academy's organizational saga has become a dominant influence in its organizational decision-making. This research extends Burton Clark's (1970) concept of organizational saga to the concept of organizational fields, and explores the interaction of a strong organizational saga with an institution's organizational field. It contributes to the literature on elite boarding schools, and enriches that of elite colleges and universities by better understanding their historic "feeder schools." It also contributes to our understanding of social production, reproduction, and mobility in the United States. Implications for theory and elite boarding schools, colleges, and universities are discussed, along with calls for further research. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Administration and Higher Education.

Depuis le début des révoltes arabes de 2011, on assiste, au Moyen-Orient et en Afrique du Nord à l’émergence politique de communautés jusqu’alors marginalisées, à la périphérie du pouvoir. La monarchie pétrolière du Koweït ne fait pas exception; c’est ainsi que les Bédouins, naturalisés depuis le début des années soixante et intégrés tardivement à la communauté des citoyens ont à leur tour émis leurs doléances auprès du pouvoir des Sabah. C’est ce phénomène que cette thèse analyse, le replaçant dans son contexte historique et politique. Elle explique les implications politiques du changement social parmi les Bédouins - à savoir l’émergence d’une nouvelle génération particulièrement virulente depuis le début des années 2000 - et démontre comment ce phénomène ne saurait se comprendre sans une lecture plus large du système d’autorité sur lequel s’est construite la monarchie des Al-Sabah depuis le 18e siècle lorsqu’elle s’est constituée en dynastie tribale. La contribution originale de cette thèse réside dans son approche méthodologique d’histoire sociologique comparative qui permet de déchiffrer la nature de l’ordre et de l’autorité politiques au Koweït. L’étude montre que les aspects fondamentaux de la structure d’autorité contemporaine de la dynastie des Al-Sabah trouvent leurs origines dans les logiques dynastiques des tribus arabes classiques telles qu’elles ont été analysées par l’auteur médiéval, Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406), dans son œuvre Al-Muqaddimah. / Since the unfolding of the Arab revolts in 2011, we have witnessed the rise and revolts of marginalized communities at the periphery of power everywhere in the MENA region. Kuwait too has witnessed since the start of the millennium the rise of its periphery, its naturalized tribesmen, latecomers to the nation’s fabric. In this study, I analyzed this phenomenon and placed it in its deeper historical and political context. I explained that the implications of socio-political change happening within Kuwait’s badu population can only be understood if the nature of the authority structure of the Al-Sabah’s monarchy is properly comprehended. The novelty of the thesis lies in its historical sociological approach to decipher the nature of political order and authority in Kuwait. It argued that the core aspects of the contemporary authority structure of the Al-Sabah’s monarchy can be traced back to the original tribal dynasty functioning according to the logics of political power of Arabian dynasties as analyzed by the early Muslim scholar, Ibn Khaldun in his Al-Muqaddimah.

O trabalho analisa o processo de oposição ao governo Vargas, com enfoque sobre as relações entre Estado e classe trabalhadora no período 1943/45. Destaca os aspectos específicos da política social e sindical, definidos pelo trabalhismo, e a forma como estarão situados na conjuntura de crise ao fim do Estado Novo. Tendo por objeto primordial da análise o discurso antigovernamental, situa a imprensa como locus estratégico para o desenvolvimento dessa oposição que levaria ao fim o primeiro governo Vargas. / The work analyses the process of opposition against Vargas\' government, focusing on the relationship between the State and the working-class in the years between 1943 and 1945. It emphasises the specific aspects of the social and the Union politics defined by the labour movement and the way in which they will be situated in the crisis circumstances at the end of the \"Estado Novo\". As the main purpose of the analysis is the anti-governmental speech, the press is placed as the strategic locus for the development of this opposition which would put an end to the first Vargas\' government.

Drawing on interviews and archival material, this thesis examines how the crisis of the 1970s and the rising power of business under the neoliberal settlement that followed impacted on the BBC’s organisational structure, policies and journalistic practices. Part I focuses on the breakdown of social democracy. Orientated towards and legitimised by the social order that seemed under strain, the politically appointed BBC leadership took a conscious conservative turn and, under pressure from the government, sought to curtail the influence of union militancy and sixties radicalism and to stem its own ‘fiscal crisis’ through wage repression. Meanwhile, despite facing criticism over its economic reporting, which routinely blamed trades unions for the perceived economic decline and crisis, the BBC leadership refused to even seriously question long standing editorial conventions. This, it is argued, left an explanatory vacuum that the New Right were able to skilfully exploit. Part II describes the process of change that the BBC then underwent in the wake of Thatcherism. It argues that the highly unpopular organisational reforms introduced under the leadership of John Birt represented an institutionalisation of the new neoliberal order at the BBC. It describes how business journalism came to displace social democratic patterns of reporting as a result of both top down initiatives and a range of external factors including privatisation and financialisation, the changing political economy of the private media and the power of advertising and public relations. By analysing archival and interview material in the light of scholarly work on neoliberalism, broadcasting and power, the thesis offers an empirically rich account of the subtle ways in which journalistic norms are shaped by wider social forces and a more satisfactory account of the BBC and its role in British society than existing studies.

Civil conflict is a complex multi-layered event. As an outcome it represents a product of both the structural framework in place and decision-making between the different elite groups. From a historical neoinstitutionalist perspective, this dissertation will provide an answer as to why some illiberal democracies fall into civil conflict while others do not. It argues that horizontally unequal elites bargain for (re)distribution of political participation, economic assets and social services through formal and informal institutions in order to expand the shares of the goods distributed. The presence of cleavages and grievances amongst groups are enhanced when exclusion through inefficient redistribution takes place; therefore, a bargain failure with the potential to activate violent means, implies a disagreement amongst the elites over the allocation of resources to different societal groups. Bargain failures occur in the presence of non-credible commitments and information asymmetries. Inefficiency in the distribution can also be captured through informal institutions in the form of patronage networks, a side of the transaction spectrum which has been understudied. The contribution of this thesis to the general debate stems from this acknowledgement and alleviates this by incorporating the full spectrum of institutions which operate effectively within illiberal democratic regimes. Patronage networks despite being a fundamental part of how politics is conducted in illiberal democratic regimes have surprisingly been neglected in the contemporary study of conflict onset. By conducting two-level fsQCA along a selection of 21 cases of illiberal democracy across 1980-2012 including cases of ethnic conflict onset, the analysis will show that distribution through patronage networks does play a role in triggering conflict or in aiding to control violence depending on the efficiency of the distribution across grieved groups. Further comparative analysis of a most likely and least likely case for cases of conflict (Thailand and India Bodo conflict) and peace (Namibia and Bolivia) reveals that the effect of the patronage mechanisms when redistributive, plays a larger role as an instrument of preventing violent disputes across horizontally unequal ethnic groups.

Orientadores: Gilda Figueiredo Portugal Gouvea, Regina C. C. P. Moran / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-27T10:35:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bezzon_LaraAndreaCrivelaro_M.pdf: 4228842 bytes, checksum: fb34a1bed289ee5e4a6a650e994cd485 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1995 / Resumo: Não informado. / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em Sociologia

The relationship between a party leadership and party activists is often illustrated by the use of John May’s "Law of curvilinear opinion structures in political parties", i.e. the idea that mid-level party activists are assumed to be more radical than both party sympathisers and the party elite. This tension between party leadership and party activists can be assumed to lead to a restriction on the party leadership’s freedom of action. However, in recent years we have seen a number of examples where political parties have made major realignments of their own policies without any substantial internal conflicts. Given the role assigned to conditions for involvement in the formulation of May's Law it appears reasonable to look in that direction when trying to understand these changes. This study covers the Moderate Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Green Party in Sweden. The offer made by the parties to their members can be understood in terms of collective goods, such as ideological and political community, and selective goods, such as elected offices. This thesis shows how the political involvement for the interviewed party activists is intimately linked to selective goods. This finding can help us to understand ideological and political changes in present-day parties. If, as a party activist, one is attracted by the opportunities to become an elected representative or the opportunities to exercise political power, it is reasonable to imagine that one will be more inclined to support actions that increase the opportunity to enjoy these goods. Since both the party leadership and the party activists are attracted by the selective goods offered by the party organisation, the conflict between these groups decreases, as both groups are focused on winning elections and exercising political power. The result of this study therefore provides grounds for questioning the ideas of a tension between party activists and party leaderships.

Two types of discourses showed the institutional choice of political elites dealing with labor conflicts in early 20th century in Japan¡¦s Taisho Democracy. My concern is the origin of modern management model in the historical process of modernization & capitalization of Japan. How Japan¡¦s political elites distinguished their tradition from the western society to formulate Japan¡¦s labor relation institution in their discourses. Analyzing the discourses & figuring out who owning the power of agenda setting, then explaining the connections between political elites & two main interest groups will show who makes decision of labor policy to format the labor relation¡¦s institution in reality under the two fundamental principles of modern nation-state, capital accumulation & legitimization crisis.