Les 124 protagonistes, réelles ou fictives, de cette étude furent toutes des impératrices romaines ou des membres de la domus diuina. Notre projet débute en 193 de notre ère, date à laquelle Iulia Domna, épouse de Septime Sévère, fut élevée au rang d'impératrice. Il se clôt au début du Vème siècle ap. J.-C. avec un groupe de femmes gravitant autour de Salvina, épouse de Nebridius, un neveu de Théodose I. A une première partie consacrée à la biographie de chacune de ces femmes, succède un commentaire synthétique dans lequel nous nous attachons à montrer comment ces personnes furent représentées. Nous entendons par ce terme non seulement l'image iconographique, visuelle, mais aussi la perception que les contemporains avaient d'elles. Au-delà d'une image officielle, élément clef d'une propagande plus ou moins rodée, la réalité du pouvoir et de la place occupée par les Augustae et les autres femmes de l'entourage impérial permet de mieux appréhender la complexité et la diversité des situations. Pour peu que certaines d'entre elles s'écartent de la place traditionnelle de la femme dans la société romaine, leur image s'en retrouve très vite écornée. La place grandissante du christianisme amena les membres féminins de la domus diuina à jouer un rôle nouveau dont la perception manichéenne ajoute un élément de complexité à leur portrait. / The 124 main characters of this work are roman empresses and members of the domus diuina. Our work begins in 193 A.D., when Iulia Domna, Severus' wife, became empress. It ends at the beginning of the 5th century, with a group of women including Salvina, niece by marriage of Theodosius I. The first part of our work consists of a set of biographical notes. The second part consists of a commentary that gives an overall picture of these women and the way they are representated. We deal with their representation thanks to iconographic sources, but also thanks to numismatic, epigraphic and literary ones. Beyond the official picture which is the most important component of the propaganda, the reality of the roman empresses' power allows us to grasp the complexity and the variety of the different situations. If some of these women played a non-conventional part, they are run down quickly. As Christianity holded a place more and more important in society, empresses and the other female members of the domus diuina took a new part, but their representation among the authors became more Manichean.

This thesis demonstrates key imperial virtues communicated on Roman Imperial triumphal monuments. A closer examination of monuments located in Rome reveals the presentation of personality traits such as military valor, piety, and mercy through symbolism, nature scenes, and personifications of abstract qualities. Each monument is dedicated to an emperor and exemplifies his virtues. The representation of imperial virtues conveys an emperor's worth to the public by communicating his better qualities. Architecture and coin evidence served as media to convey an emperor's qualities to the public and fostered general acceptance of his rule among the public. Valor (virtus), piety (pietas), and mercy (clementia) are each examined to demonstrate their importance, their multiple types of representations in architecture, and their presentation and reach on coins. Chapters 2 through 4 look at the symbolism and representation of military courage and honor. As a military virtue, valor is easiest to represent and point out through battle scenes, military symbols, and gods who assisted the emperor in war. Honor (honos), as a close association to valor is also a promotable trait. Chapters 5 through 7 look at the multiple representations of an emperor's piety. Piety, being the Roman empire's oldest virtue, can be seen through sacrificial scenes, mythological scenes, and symbols associated with these same gods and sacrifices. Chapter 8 looks at personifications of abstract qualities and natural phenomena and their role in Roman cosmology. Chapter 9 looks at the last virtue, mercy, which is demonstrated as the most valuable but also rare because it demands special skills and balance within a ruler. Mercy's rarity makes its symbolism and representational scenery smaller in comparison to the first two but still evident in architecture and coins. Possession of each trait awarded the possessor honor and divinity heaped on him, as discussed in Chapter 10. The Romans saw divinity as an honor which the senate awarded upon display of these superior virtues. Several arguments are considered and add different viewpoints to how divinity was acquired whether for the possession of these qualities or the actions that resulted from them. This analysis of symbolism and relevant divine scenes associated with imperial virtues demonstrate the emperor's superiority through possession of these virtues and show their subtle inclusion in imperial architecture.

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No description available.

A Cripta Imperial, no Monumento à Independência, localizado às margens do riacho Ipiranga, em São Paulo, foi construída em 1952 para abrigar os remanescentes humanos dos monarcas responsáveis pela Proclamação da Independência do Brasil. O imperador D. Pedro I foi trasladado para São Paulo em 1972, e sua primeira esposa, a Imperatriz D. Maria Leopoldina de Habsburgo-Lorena, em 1954. Em 1982, recebeu os despojos da segunda esposa de D. Pedro I, a Imperatriz D. Amélia de Beauharnais Leuchtenberg. Por muitos anos, o Monumento à Independência foi um dos principais monumentos do país, sendo visitado por vários chefes de Estado que passavam pela capital paulista. Entretanto, apesar de reformas feitas no final dos anos de 1990 e início dos anos 2000, o local sofre há décadas com a infiltração de água, causada pelo relevo natural do terreno em que se encontra e também pela falta de manutenção. Hoje é comum os visitantes não acreditarem que os remanescentes humanos dos primeiros imperadores do Brasil estejam inumados no local. Há até mesmo quem diga que são as cinzas dos monarcas que estão ali. Foi pensando nisso que decidimos fazer este trabalho, buscando respostas sobre esses remanescentes humanos, seu estado de conservação, bem como o do material associado, visando à preservação e possível restauro. / The Imperial Crypt on the Independence Monument, located on the banks of Ipiranga creek in São Paulo city, was built in 1952 to house the human remains of the monarchs responsible for the Proclamation of Independence of Brazil. Emperor Dom Pedro I was transferred from Portugal to São Paulo in 1972 and his first wife, Empress Dona Maria Leopoldina von Habsburg-Lorraine, was transferred in 1954. In 1982 it received the remains of the second wife of Dom Pedro I, the Empress Dona Amélia de Beauharnais-Leuchtenberg. For several years, the Independence Monument was one of the main monuments in the country, visited by many heads of State who passed through the capital of São Paulo State. However, despite reformations made between late 1990 and early 2000, the site suffered for decades with infiltration of water, caused by natural site relief and also by lack of maintenance. It is common now visitors don\'t believe that the human remains of the first emperors of Brazil are buried in the site. There are even those who say that just the ashes of the monarchs are there. By thinking about that we decided to do this work, seeking answers about human remains of the Emperors, their conservation status, as well as the associated material aiming to preserve and possible restoration.

Au printemps 68, les provinces occidentales se révoltèrent contre Néron. Elles choisirent pour le remplacer Servius Sulpicius Galba, un sénateur d’une antique noblesse qui avait connu une brillante carrière politique et qui était légat d’Auguste propréteur de l’Hispanie Citérieure au moment de l’insurrection. Galba dut alors organiser la révolte et lever les troupes qui seraient nécessaires à cette entreprise. Proclamé empereur par les prétoriens et le Sénat après le suicide de Néron au mois de juin 68, il quitta sa province et se mit en route vers Rome. Parvenu dans la capitale de l’Empire, le nouveau prince fut confronté à des difficultés de taille : les finances de l’État romain se trouvaient dans une situation très préoccupante à cause des largesses de Néron. Par ailleurs, puisque Galba était le premier empereur qui ne faisait pas partie de la famille julio-claudienne, il dut trouver les moyens d’assurer la légitimité de son élévation au sommet de l’Empire. Les sources littéraires concernant l’année 69 sont nombreuses ; moins bien connue, l’année 68 nous a semblé pouvoir être étudiée grâce au recours aux sources numismatiques, car elles permettent d’appréhender les principales caractéristiques du principat de Galba : financement d’une révolte contre le pouvoir central, paiement de la solde des légionnaires, redressement des finances de l’État et légitimation de la position du nouveau prince. L’étude des monnaies, s’appuyant sur la constitution d’un corpus de quelque 7.300 exemplaires à l’effigie de Galba, permet à la fois de combler les manques des sources littéraires relatives à l’année 68 et de confronter divers types de sources pour améliorer la connaissance de son principat. / In the spring of AD 68, the Western Provinces rebelled against Nero. To replace him, they chose Servius Sulpicius Galba, a senator of ancient nobility who had known a brilliant political career, and who – at the time of the insurrection – was legatus Augusti pro praetore of Hispania Citerior. Galba then had to organise the revolt, and raise the troops required for this enterprise. Acclaimed Emperor by the praetorians and the Senate after Nero’s suicide in June 68, he left his province and went to Rome. Once in the Empire’s capital city, the new prince was faced with major difficulties: the State’s finances were in a very worrying shape because of Nero’s largesse. Furthermore, Galba being the first emperor not to belong to the Julio-Claudian family, had to find ways to ensure the legitimacy of his elevation to the throne. Literary sources regarding the year 69 are numerous; the year 68, meanwhile, is less well known, but is possible to study in the light of numismatic sources, as they allow us to apprehend the main characteristics of Galba’s Principate: financing a revolt against the central power, paying the legionaries, rectifying the State’s finances, and legitimising the new prince’s position. The study of coinage, based on the establishment of a corpus of some 7300 specimens with Galba’s effigy, allows us to fill the gaps of literary sources concerning the year 68, and to approach various types of sources in order to improve our knowledge of his Principate.

No description available.

A Cripta Imperial, no Monumento à Independência, localizado às margens do riacho Ipiranga, em São Paulo, foi construída em 1952 para abrigar os remanescentes humanos dos monarcas responsáveis pela Proclamação da Independência do Brasil. O imperador D. Pedro I foi trasladado para São Paulo em 1972, e sua primeira esposa, a Imperatriz D. Maria Leopoldina de Habsburgo-Lorena, em 1954. Em 1982, recebeu os despojos da segunda esposa de D. Pedro I, a Imperatriz D. Amélia de Beauharnais Leuchtenberg. Por muitos anos, o Monumento à Independência foi um dos principais monumentos do país, sendo visitado por vários chefes de Estado que passavam pela capital paulista. Entretanto, apesar de reformas feitas no final dos anos de 1990 e início dos anos 2000, o local sofre há décadas com a infiltração de água, causada pelo relevo natural do terreno em que se encontra e também pela falta de manutenção. Hoje é comum os visitantes não acreditarem que os remanescentes humanos dos primeiros imperadores do Brasil estejam inumados no local. Há até mesmo quem diga que são as cinzas dos monarcas que estão ali. Foi pensando nisso que decidimos fazer este trabalho, buscando respostas sobre esses remanescentes humanos, seu estado de conservação, bem como o do material associado, visando à preservação e possível restauro. / The Imperial Crypt on the Independence Monument, located on the banks of Ipiranga creek in São Paulo city, was built in 1952 to house the human remains of the monarchs responsible for the Proclamation of Independence of Brazil. Emperor Dom Pedro I was transferred from Portugal to São Paulo in 1972 and his first wife, Empress Dona Maria Leopoldina von Habsburg-Lorraine, was transferred in 1954. In 1982 it received the remains of the second wife of Dom Pedro I, the Empress Dona Amélia de Beauharnais-Leuchtenberg. For several years, the Independence Monument was one of the main monuments in the country, visited by many heads of State who passed through the capital of São Paulo State. However, despite reformations made between late 1990 and early 2000, the site suffered for decades with infiltration of water, caused by natural site relief and also by lack of maintenance. It is common now visitors don\'t believe that the human remains of the first emperors of Brazil are buried in the site. There are even those who say that just the ashes of the monarchs are there. By thinking about that we decided to do this work, seeking answers about human remains of the Emperors, their conservation status, as well as the associated material aiming to preserve and possible restoration.

本文並不同於孟森等的史家立場，將民國流行的清朝「四大疑案」：太后下嫁、順治出家、雍正奪位與乾隆出身海寧等作為辯駁對象；而是將清末民初記載疑案的筆記野史與長篇歷史演義，作為小說創作的「現象」考察，觀察小說家如何在通俗場域中，「製作」出大眾熱於閱讀，卻不同於史書上的帝王形象。「四大疑案」所涉及的帝王為順治、康熙、雍正、乾隆四帝，當康乾三朝被文人以「盛世」歌頌時，盛世三朝對漢人言論的嚴格箝制，亦讓晚清民國流傳豐富的盛世帝王野史。而民國時期的小說家，不僅作意好奇，處於消費娛樂的語境中，亦融合「小說救國」的風潮，進而形成具「排滿」與「漢族」意識的「演義救國」創作群，在筆墨之間多夾雜華夷之辨、滿漢意識。 本文的研究目的，在於指出民國歷史演義在新小說的影響下，如何從傳統的「演義」文類過渡到「新演義」，形成描寫自清以來的民族「傷心史」；並梳理順治、康熙、雍正、乾隆四帝的野史傳聞，在文人作品如《影梅庵憶語》和《紅樓夢》，以及官方出版的典籍如《大義覺迷錄》和乾隆御製詩的基礎上，匯合清末不同的野史筆記，在多種身分轉化、觀念演變等文學手法中形成富含漢族意識的長篇歷史演義。在順治野史裡，帝王被化作為情出家的「情種」，而董鄂氏作為「天眷」，野史卻將其降格反諷為明遺民冒襄寵妾的「名妓」董小宛；從「天眷—名妓」的女體形塑，可見清朝國體被替換為明代國體的寓言轉換。康熙朝的雍正奪嫡，則將帝王化作武俠，藉由頭顱被割下的復仇敘事與身體政治，將清朝統治正統「大義」藉由「俠義」平反。乾隆皇帝在野史中則多以「漢家皇帝」現身，歷史上奉母南巡的「孝」在言說中質變為對漢家身世的「孝」，而「海寧省親」所啟動的風月故事，亦成為小說家筆下清朝國運轉衰的關鍵。種種身分與觀念的轉變，皆攸關漢人與滿人的矛盾。本文並認為民國相關小說產量豐富，當代作家金庸、高陽、瓊瑤均有所承繼，如不釐清民國小說的本來面目，即容易忽略從晚清至當代，小說創作脈絡中的「民國根源」與「現代路徑」。 / Since the late Qing and early Republican, historians have debated about the four big mysteries of Qing四大奇案, which were popular stories about Qing Dynasty: Empress Xiaozhuang's rumored marriage to Dorgon太后下嫁; Qing Shizu’s entering a monastery順治出家; Qing Shizong’s inheriting the throne雍正奪嫡; and Qinglong as a son of a Han family, the Chens, in Haining乾隆出身海寧陳家. Evinced by many unofficial histories and popular novels, the four big mysteries were well and alive in late Qing society. While historians treat these mysteries as suspicious rumors, this thesis uses the perspectives of collective memory and narrative production in order to examine the ways in which the emperors in these mysteries are in effect fabricated. I contend that the rewritings and literal sequels of high Qing emperors in the four big mysteries were not only products of public entertainment, but they also represented the Han’ s traumatic memory and their ideals of anti-Manchuism, especially as they are correlated with the “new novels” 新小說employed by late Qing intellectuals to aid their pursuit of the national enlightenment in modern China. In the first chapter, I assert that contemporary historical novels of Qing emperors are mostly based on the re-writings since late Qing. In my view, without discovering the “roots” of the late Qing novels readers would be able to misunderstand the “routes” that the contemporary history novels have paved. In the second chapter, I reevaluate the classical genre of Chinese novels: yanyi演義 from early Republican China. During this period, Yanyi connected the thoughts of national enlightenment and “salvation and survival” 救亡圖存 in the “new novel”, giving rise to what I call “new yenyi”新演義, which was apparently different from the original one. In the following chapters, I focus on how the Qing emperors, such as Shunzhi順治, Yongcheng雍正 and Qianlong乾隆, are portrayed to express Ming-Qing transitional dynasty memory and the trauma of Manchu’s political persecution by way of using literary symbols, such as corresponding pattern of “body” and “nation” in literature. In the third chapter, by discussing how the courtesan Dong Xiao-wan, who was married to an adherent of Ming Mao Xiang, was referred to the princess consort Donggo, I argue that the Shunzhi emperor was “adherentized” 遺民化to an adherent of a former dynasty. In the fourth chapter, I examine the ways in which the Yungcheng Emperor, a great monarch of Qing dynasty, is transformed into a despot and peculiarly into a knight-errant, particularly his violent death, in which he was decapitated by the female knight-errant Lü Siniang (Lü’s fourth daughter). In the fictional narrative, the assassination of Yung-cheng (the fourth son of the Qing royal family) by Lü’s fourth daughter leads the readers to contemplate the Qing’s legitimacy and the position of the Han Chinese against the Manchus. Finally, by analyzing the narrative of Qianlong as a son of Han family, instead of Manchu family, I aim to explain the historical cause of Qianlong’s southern tour, namely, filial piety, as he was alternated to a kind of nostalgia for the hometown where he was born.

The Roman Emperor Trajan, who ruled the Roman Empire from 98 CE – 117 CE has always been remembered as one of the good Emperors. The few ancient sources that mention Trajan, namely Pliny the Younger and Cassius Dio, compose a glowing portrait of the Emperor when describing his deeds and abilities. Part of the explanation for such a positive portrayal can surely be accounted for by the comparison of Trajan to one of his predecessors Domitian (who ruled from 51 CE – 96 CE). Domitian came to be memorialized as one of the most hated Emperor of the Principate, especially because of his scornful and suspicious attitude towards the Senate and his pillaging of the Roman provinces for the purpose of his own profit. In a time when the empire was expanding and expert diplomatic and strategic capability was necessary for an Emperor to possess, Domitian’s shortcomings were particularly harmful to Rome and her subjects. Thus when Trajan took control, many Romans must have looked to him to continue the improvements initiated by Domitian’s brief successor Nerva and repair the damage done to the empire. Pliny the younger, an influential and wealthy senatorial aristocrat, was one such Roman who looked to the new Emperor with hope and ambition for better times. During Pliny’s tenure as governor of the province of Bithynia and Pontus from roughly 110-112/3 CE, he exchanged many letters with Trajan which were subsequently collected and published as the tenth book of Pliny’s Letters. These letters generally take the form of advice sought by Pliny about the governance of the province, followed by a concise reply from the Emperor directing Pliny’s actions (or, at times, suggesting that Pliny himself choose the best way to proceed). Previous scholarship has primarily addressed the letters as a “self-fashioning text” (cf. Carlos Noreña and Philip Stadter, among others), but generally ignores the very active role Pliny plays in carefully constructing a particular representation of Trajan. Using this correspondence as a platform on which to create an image of the Princeps, Pliny expertly invents a particular portrait of Trajan that portrays the Emperor as a master at senatorial relations and management of the provinces. By allowing Trajan to perform this role, as is evidenced in the letters of Book 10, Pliny creates our most complete and compelling portrayal of this Emperor which serves both Pliny and Trajan’s interests for posterity. / text