Much of the recent scholarly attention has been devoted to the low fertility situation experienced by a growing number of developed countries. In this context, the theoretical framework explicitly incorporating the issues of gender in explanations of low fertility has been gaining notable popularity. This dissertation is focused primarily on the application of McDonald's theory of gender equity to the fertility context of two post-communist "low" and "very low" fertility countries, namely Poland and Estonia. Additionally, it tests the relative importance of gender equity at the societal level and the level of the family, contrasts the results of using different operationalizations of gender equity in the family, and compares the effects of gender equity on male and female fertility. I estimate two sex-specific models for Poland and two-sex specific models for Estonia, which respectively use three and two independent variables capturing gender equity in different institutions as well as in the family. All the models use intended fertility as the dependent variable operationalized as either the intention to have the second or higher order birth or the number of additional children intended. The main findings of this dissertation support the gendered explanation of low fertility in Poland and Estonia. More specifically, they indicate that gender equity in the family significantly increases fertility intentions of Polish men and women and Estonian women but not men. However, in none of the models there is evidence that gender equity in institutions outside the family matters to fertility. All in all, the findings support the gendered approach to fertility. The results of my dissertation indicate that it is important to pay attention to how we measure gender equity. I observe some variation in the findings depending on how stringent definition of equity is used. Finally, my research suggests that the importance of gender equity for women's fertility might be more universal but it is also not completely irrelevant to the fertility of men. I conclude this dissertation with a discussion of the implications of my findings and the potential for future development of research in this area.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990. / Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Breemer, Jan S. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 30, 2010. DTIC Descriptor(s): USSR, Security, Theses, Lithuania, Momentum, Baltic Countries, Estonia, Latvia, Europe, Equations. DTIC Identifier(s): Baltic States, European Security, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Balance Of Power, Post Cold War Era, History, International Relations, Theses. Author(s) subject terms: Baltic Question, European Security, Soviet Union, Baltic States, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-108). Also available in print.

Inaug.-Diss.--Leipzig. / Vita. "Literatur": p. [102].

No description available.

Estonia's rise to prominence on the leading edge of the Soviet reform process is a consequence of the republic's dual position as an economic role model for other republics and a Soviet exception in terms of lifestyle and cultural orientation. While Estonia's open acceptance of perestroika is clearly a boost for Soviet reformers, the Estonian vision of reform is distinctly different from the direction intended by Moscow. In its capacity as reform leader and radical pioneer, Estonia is a microcosm of the Soviet political economy and the elements that plague attempts to reform the system. An examination of Estonia's role within the Soviet reform movement provides a view of the potentially explosive cultural processes that have now surfaced not only in the Baltic but throughout the Soviet Union. Chapter One presents a descriptive chronological overview of the events that preceded Estonia's Declaration of Sovereignty in November 1988. Chapter Two is analytical in nature and provides a cultural context and background with which to assess Estonian developments. The methodological framework is adapted from Archie Brown's "Political Culture and Communist Studies" and gives a qualitative description of the intensity and psychological power of the cultural factor in Estonian politics. Chapter Three presents Moscow's reaction to Baltic initiatives and describes Gorbachev's attempt to forge a new nationalities policy in the face of deep-rooted conservative opposition. Estonia is a prime example of the seemingly insoluble nationality problems associated with Soviet political reform. In terms of quantitative indicators, Estonia is the most economically successful republic within the Soviet political experiment, and yet it is also the most vociferous in voicing rejection of fundamental Soviet political values. Although the Soviet future remains unpredictable, there are strong indicators that Estonia and the Baltic republics will continue to expand the perimeters of reform at a pace and in a manner that can now only be curtailed by armed force. However, the potential consequences of Baltic initiatives will not remain confined only to Soviet domestic politics. Whether the Soviet Union becomes a benign Commonwealth or Confederacy, or rapidly decays or disintegrates, or regresses into authoritarianism and civil war, the result will have profound consequences for Europe and the rest of the world. Therefore, the importance of Estonia and the other Baltic republics in the process of Soviet decline cannot be underestimated; the Baltic States, although insignificant by global standards, have set an example for other Soviet republics and national groups to follow and will for the near term remain political barometers of the Soviet future. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Russia’s recent increase in acts of aggression against bordering nations is concerning. After Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula, many wondered if the world should anticipate a Baltic intervention. This paper seeks to analyze this question through a comparative study of Russia’s recent interventions in Georgia and Ukraine, an analysis of the Estonian and Latvian Russian-speaking population, and an analysis of the NATO alliance’s strengths and weaknesses in deterring a possible Russian threat. From my analysis, I conclude that a conventional Baltic intervention is unlikely. However, I also conclude that the NATO alliance is not prepared to counter non-conventional acts of aggression and that these tactics could become more common in international conflicts. Therefore, I also conclude that a non-conventional Baltic intervention from Russia is possible and, consequently, the alliance should re-examine its framework.

<p>Forskningen om säkerhetskulturen i organisationer domineras av kvantitativa enkätstudier med fokus på hur en god säkerhetskultur skapas. Sällan studeras vilken roll säkerhetskulturen har, vare sig den är god eller dålig, i händelseförloppet mot en fullgången katastrof. Uppsatsens syfte är tredelad. För det första, kritisera hur man traditionellt konceptualiserar begreppet säkerhetskultur, för det andra, utveckla en alternativ modell för att med hjälp av haveriutredningar öka förståelsen för säkerhetskulturens roll i samband med katastrofer, för det tredje, pröva modellen empiriskt på tre fartygskatastrofer: Express Samina, Herald of Free Enterprise och Estonia. Säkerhetskulturen betraktas som diversifierad bestående av ett antal parallella kulturer, i uppsatsen benämnda som subkulturer respektive delkulturer. Analysen visar att det inte är enskilda subkulturer eller delkulturer som hotar säkerheten, snarare en olycklig kombination av flera olika kulturer. Resultatet visar också att det är viktigt att fokusera på beteenden snarare än attityder för att retrospektivt förstå säkerhetskulturen. En allt för stark kultur kan hota säkerheten i och med att uppfattningen om verkligheten riskerar att bli förvanskad. Konflikter mellan två olika subkulturer visar sig ha en stor inverkan på säkerheten, i synnerhet om det leder till att en nödvändig professionskultur blir allt för svag.</p>

This article examines the multiple governments of independent Estonia since 1992 referring to their stability. Confronted with the immense problems of democratic transition, the multi-party governments of Estonia change comparatively often. Following the elections of March 2003 the ninth government since 1992 was formed. A detailed examination of government stability and the example of Estonia is accordingly warranted, given that the country is seen as the most successful Central Eastern European transition country in spite of its frequent changes of government. Furthermore, this article questions whether or not internal government stability can exist within a situation where the government changes frequently. What does stability of government mean and what are the varying multi-faceted depths of the term? Before analysing the term, it has to be clarified and defined. It is presumed that government stability is composed of multiple variables influencing one another. Data about the average tenure of a government is not very conclusive. Rather, the deeper political causes for governmental change need to be examined. Therefore, this article discusses the conceptual and theoretical basics of governmental stability first. Secondly, it discusses the Estonian situation in detail up to the elections of 2003, including a short review of the 9th government since independence. In the conclusion, the author explains whether or not the governments of Estonia are stable. In the appendix, the reader finds all election results and also a list of all previous ministers of Estonian governments (all data are as of July 2002).

Forskningen om säkerhetskulturen i organisationer domineras av kvantitativa enkätstudier med fokus på hur en god säkerhetskultur skapas. Sällan studeras vilken roll säkerhetskulturen har, vare sig den är god eller dålig, i händelseförloppet mot en fullgången katastrof. Uppsatsens syfte är tredelad. För det första, kritisera hur man traditionellt konceptualiserar begreppet säkerhetskultur, för det andra, utveckla en alternativ modell för att med hjälp av haveriutredningar öka förståelsen för säkerhetskulturens roll i samband med katastrofer, för det tredje, pröva modellen empiriskt på tre fartygskatastrofer: Express Samina, Herald of Free Enterprise och Estonia. Säkerhetskulturen betraktas som diversifierad bestående av ett antal parallella kulturer, i uppsatsen benämnda som subkulturer respektive delkulturer. Analysen visar att det inte är enskilda subkulturer eller delkulturer som hotar säkerheten, snarare en olycklig kombination av flera olika kulturer. Resultatet visar också att det är viktigt att fokusera på beteenden snarare än attityder för att retrospektivt förstå säkerhetskulturen. En allt för stark kultur kan hota säkerheten i och med att uppfattningen om verkligheten riskerar att bli förvanskad. Konflikter mellan två olika subkulturer visar sig ha en stor inverkan på säkerheten, i synnerhet om det leder till att en nödvändig professionskultur blir allt för svag.

Thesis (M.A.). / Title from title page of PDF (viewed 2008/01/30). Written for the Dept. of Anthropology. Includes bibliographical references.