Práce se zabývá nerovnoměrností rozmístění světového hospodářství na pozadí komparace čtyř hlavních center: EU, USA, Japonska a Číny. Anylyzuje jejich primární a sekundární sektor a postavení v mezinárodním obchodě. Zkoumá rovněž přesuny výrob a produkce z center tradičních do centra globálně nového a nejvýznamnějšího.

Práce přibližuje hospodářský vývoj Irska,hledá příčiny a následky dlouholeté hospodářské zaostalosti a hlavní faktory ekonomického růstu druhé poloviny devadesátých let. Poté charakterizuje postavení země v Evropské unii z hlediska členství v Evropské měnové unii, vlivu Společné zemědělské politiky na důležitý sektor zemědělství. Zhodnoceno je předsednictví Irska v Radě EU v první polovině roku 2004 a působení regionální a strukturální politiky.

Práce se zabýva zdaněním v.o.s. a k.s. v ČR a zemích EU,jsou pporovnávány různé principy jejich zdanění a posuzována výhodnost.

EU a Rusko zakotvily ve společných dokumentech široké možnosti spolupráce, která nebyla dosud v požadovaném rozsahu uskutečněna. Existují různé překážky ve vztazích, které brání úspěšné realizaci. Současný vývoj vztahů je hodnocen jako neuspokojivý. Pro vybudování strategického partnerství mezi EU a Ruskem je potřebné dosáhnout shody nejen v otázce společných hospodářských a zahraničně-politických zájmů, ale i v otázce společných hodnot.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse in depth the EU position in the international effort to increase the Official Development Assistance with respect to the situation of poverty in developing world and current initiatives on searching for potential solutions of this crucial issue. In connection with poverty traps in developing countries the EU came up with many important initiatives in the field of international development policy, which indicates a strong commitment of Member states towards the poverty eradication. Based on predictions analysed in the 3rd Chapter of this thesis, it is possible to deduce that the EU as a whole will be able to reach its targets in the area of ODA increases. However, there will be a different situation in case of individual Member states - not all of them report about appropriate ODA increases needed for reaching the individual declared targets. There are many more or less suitable solutions: new allocations of additional financial resources from donors` public budgets to the ODA purposes, debt relief, innovative financial resources or methodological changes in the ODA statistical reporting. In any case, it is always needed to pay attention to the principles of effectiveness and raising the ODA quality and impact. The potential for reaching the official targets was, is and will be affected by plenty of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats on the side of the EU, developing countries and the whole international community.

The thesis seeks to analyze the current relations between the EU and China, with an emphasis on the area of economic co-operation. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter discusses the external relations of the two main actors implemented in South East Asia, with a focus on the economic and also the political dimension. The second chapter provides insights into EU-China relations from the '90s until today. The emphasis is put on trade and investment relations. The third chapter is an evaluation of the current EU-China partnership focusing on achievements but also the problematic issues that still hamper the further development of mutual relations.

The purpose of this thesis is to assess the impact of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (the Charter) on the employment relationship. The Charter has long been praised for its inclusion of socio-economic rights alongside traditional civil and political rights. It might have been thought, therefore, that the Charter would be a particularly potent tool in the employment context, characterised as it is, by the continuous interaction between economic and social rights. However, to draw an analogy from George Orwell's Animal Farm, although 'all rights are equal, some rights are more equal than others'. Not only does the Charter distinguish between 'rights' and 'principles', but the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) seems actively to prioritise the Charter's economic freedoms over the social rights. This thesis focuses on the consequences of this variable geometry for the regulation of the employment relationship. In particular, it examines the widening gap between contractual autonomy/business freedom as a fundamental right found in article 16 of the Charter and the employment rights contained in the Solidarity Title. Of particular concern from an employee's perspective is the decision of the CJEU in the case of Alemo-Herron and its progeny. In a series of highly deregulatory judgments, the CJEU has found that the employee-protective aim of the relevant legislation was incompatible with the employer's freedom to conduct a business. At the same time, the CJEU has been reluctant to invoke the Charter's employment rights to give an employee-friendly reading to legislation. The effect of this divergence for the employment relationship is explored in two ways. On a micro level, the thesis looks to the very practical or 'day to day' influence of fundamental rights at various stages in the life cycle of the employment contract. It addresses the relationship between individually agreed employment terms and fundamental rights sources. The macro level considers the broader question of the effect of fundamental rights on the EU's (or the State's) ability to regulate the employment relationship more generally. It is demonstrated that there may be a systemic problem with fundamental economic freedoms being prioritised over social rights, namely the employment provisions of the Charter.

<p> </p><p>The food-safety legislation in Sweden were changed and updated in 1996, much because of demands from the European Union for a common legislation regarding the food-safety issues in the EU. This report discusses how the Swedish authorities are dealing with the new legislation in Sweden. Further on the report presents how the food safety officers in the municipalities in Sweden are implementing this new legislation in their daily work, especially the requirements regarding the HACCP, Hazard Analysis Control and Checkpoints. The report shows that the implementation is quite slow and that many foodsafety-officers don’t implement the legislation in the same way all over the country. In some parts of Sweden the officers demands a complete Hazard-analysisplan with Critical checkpoints while in other parts of Sweden the are not the same demands. The reason to why this is possible may be the educational differences between the food safety officers in Sweden. In some municipalities the officers are well educated about the new legislation including HACCP while other municipalities don’t afford or take the time to educate their officers. The report also shows that the knowledge of the new legislation is poor among the people who work in the food-section.</p><p> </p>

<p>Vårt syfte med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur EU kan skapa eller vidmakthålla en gemensam identitet för hela unionen. Detta gjordes utifrån antagandet att en sådan EU-identitet är en form av kollektiv identitet och formas i ett föränderligt samhälle. Undersökningen gjordes i form av en litteraturstudie kring de tre begreppen kollektiv identitet, nationell identitet samt organisationsidentitet. Det kollektiva identitetsskapandet studerades mot bakgrunden av ett föränderligt samhälle, där kollektiv identitet ses som en förutsättning för gruppers och samhällens fortlevnad och skapas i sociala sammanhang.</p><p>I bearbetningen av materialet försökte vi dra paralleller mellan EU:s åtgärder för att skapa eller vidmakthålla EU-identiteten samt de åtgärder som traditionellt används på nationell- respektive organisationsnivå. Nationella identiteter skapas via uppifrån styrda projekt med statsmakten som initiativtagare. Vi fann att det går att dra flera paralleller mellan den nationella och den så kallade EU-identiteten, bland annat skapas båda genom upprättandet av en gemensam kultur och historia och användandet av symboler. Ett av huvudmålen med båda identiteterna är att bevara freden. Organisationsidentitet skapas genom att betona medlemmarnas likheter snarare än olikheterna. Väldefinierade mål som förankras i organisationen utgör en grund för identitetsskapandet. Två nyckelbegrepp som både organisationer och EU använder för skapande och vidmakthållande av identitet är information och kommunikation. Genom förbättrad kommunikation och effektivisering av informationsvägar försöker EU minska klyftan mellan medborgare och union.</p><p>Vi kom fram till att vi tror att det är möjligt att både skapa och vidmakthålla en gemensam identitet inom EU trots samhällets snabba utveckling och identitetsprocessens nya förutsättningar. Vi menar att EU:s största svårighet i att skapa en gemensam grund för ökad tillhörighet ligger i de många olikheterna inom unionen. De åtgärder som görs i identitetsskapande syfte hotas av medborgarnas olika önskningar och värderingar. Vi tror dock att EU genom att tydligt kommunicera unionens motto, ”Förenade i mångfalden”, och skapa tillfällen för ökad integration även utanför den politiska strukturen kan vända svårigheten till en styrka. För att lyckas förankra unionens mål hos medborgarna tror vi att EU måste bli ännu bättre på att föra fram grundtanken med unionen. Slutligen anser vi att EU i första hand bör ta fasta på organisationers åtgärder för identitetsskapande, eftersom organisationer har lättare att anpassa sig till förändringar i omgivningen. Organisationsidentiteten är dessutom inte knuten till härkomst eller kulturell bakgrund, utan till målet med verksamheten, vilket vi tror ökar tillhörigheten i gruppen.</p>

<p>An elementary precondition for the EU Member States to act coherently in the field of foreign policy is to reach a common standpoint on particular issues of the CFSP. Due to the intergovernmental character of decision-making in the sphere of the CFSP, the Member States reach a common position primarily through negotiations. In this regard the thesis focuses on an analysis of the EC/U Member States negotiations about two politically highly controversial foreign policy issues – the Yugoslav recognition crisis of 1991 and the Iraqi crisis of 2002/2003.</p><p>Developing a theoretical model of analysis based on merging Moravcsik’s liberal intergovernmentalism and negotiation analysis the author seeks to examine and explain the outcomes of these negotiations, while emphasising the necessity to view negotiation as a process throughout which a variation in certain factors can occur and hence influence the outcomes of negotiation in a decisive way.</p>