Uppsatsen syftar till att utreda om de svenska resningsreglerna till förmån för den tilltalade i brottmål, specifikt RB 58:2 p. 4 och 5, är förenliga med EU-rättens krav på genomslag i medlemsstaters processrätt.

The traditional approach to antitrust, associated with the Harvard school, regards monopoly as a mechanism that reduces consumers' surplus, while the view held by the Chicago school suggests that a large firm market share reflects superior competitive performance and, if it is not the result of collusion, its effect on allocative efficiency is a rather non - malignant one. We attempt to evaluate the two antitrust approaches within the context of Greek manufacturing industries, and the novelties in the present thesis lie in bringing into the examination of the Harvard - Chicago debate a number of issues that have been treated as separate attempts to unveil the competitive process in the U.S. and the U.K., but never included together within a single comprehensive study. This is achieved by analyzing the profits - concentration relationship over a number of years, the influence of firm and industry characteristics on the determination of profit rates, growth and survival patterns of firms taking into consideration sample selection bias problems, the persistence of manufacturing profitability oyer time, the structural firm and industry determinants of leading firms' profitability and the importance of multinational corporations. Our main empirical findings reveal that large firms and more concentrated markets in Greece are no more profitable than smaller firms and less concentrated markets respectively, and although they refute the extreme forms of the market power and efficiency hypotheses, market power did hold sway in a number of circumstances and its role plays a greater part in the behaviour of manufacturing industries and firms in Greece. Greek antitrust authorities should be concerned with firms' strategic behaviour related to the restriction of competition in more concentrated markets, ane on the above grounds, we do not recommend a deconcentration policy per se, bu' intervention when the competitive functioning of markets is unfairly hindered

This thesis demonstrates that advertising is an important and neglected site of racialisation. It argues that advertising plays a crucial role in the cultural politics of 'race' but that, in order to examine this role, we need a more subtle understanding of the production and consumption of advertising meanings. That the relationship between advertising and racialisation remains understudied is arguably a result of traditional academic approaches to the media which have tended to focus exclusively on textual interpretations of media products by academics themselves. This project has attempted to move beyond such approaches by investigating the social relations of production and consumption of British television advertising in a number of sites, in addition to analysing the content of such advertisements. The project focuses upon young consumers; this is a group to which advertising most frequently targets racialised imagery, a group whose 'cultures' have been actively influenced by racialised minorities, and who are arguably the most 'media literate' of consumers. It employs a variety of research techniques, including content analysis, participant observation in an advertising agency, individual interviews with industry personnel and group discussions with young people in two contrasting London schools. It concludes that, in contrast to accounts of advertising that emphasise 'rational' economics, all stages of the advertising process are rife with racialised meanings. The thesis shows how advertising is sometimes consumed in different ways from those intended by its producers, and that there are significant differences in consumption among different groups of consumers. Such differential patterns of consumption are not adequately explained by reference to traditional social categories such as 'race', gender and class; instead relational categories of difference and distinction have greater explanatory value. The thesis incorporates an attempt to provide a critical handle on the advertising industry, and draws attention to the consistent presence of relations of power in the cultural politics of advertising. It discusses the notion of 'resistance' to such relations by the young people interviewed and concludes that previous research has tended to over-simplify, and over-estimate the extent of, consumer resistance to advertising's dominant meanings.

Many approaches have been developed which support the construction of detailed supply chain models useful for analysis and simulation. However, most of these approaches lack the ability to model the supply chain in a single model, and usually produce solutions that lead to conflicting strategies between the companies. Simulation using a discrete-event simulation (DES) is an effective tool for the dynamically changing supply chain variables, thus allowing the system to be modelled more realistically. Considering the complexities of the supply chain system and the interrelations between its various systems, the task of developing such a model is challenging. The aim of this thesis is to develop a simulation model of a fast moving consumer goods (FMCG) supply chain with a DES tool. This model would be utilised as a decision-support system (DSS) for the investigation of the effectiveness of several inventory policies towards effective coordination and control of production inventory system, in various situations. This thesis discusses fundamental issues in the development of a simulation model for a supply chain using the DES tool, ARENA. A modelling procedure for the development of a supply chain simulation model is presented. The overall structure of the model is constructed by incorporating the well documented concept of modelling materials flowing downstream with an approach of modelling orders flowing upstream (modelling of feedback information). The model has an easily adaptable structure where rules (inventory policies) and model variables can be modified. The flexibility in the model's structure allows devising appropriate experimental designs, for several tests to be performed to imitate some realistic situations or scenarios (including the presence of disturbances). A new control theory oriented inventory policy, called the pseudo PID, is proposed. Detailed evaluations of five inventory policies for a production-inventory control under dynamic and stochastic conditions is presented. The findings demonstrate the ability of the approach to provide a wealth of potential solutions to the decision-maker, and confirm the qualitative behaviour of a supply chain in response to the different policies.

The June 2016 UK referendum on EU membership is indicative of the challenges facing the EU, in terms of an apparent lack of unity and solidarity among its component member states. The very fact of a potential ‘Brexit’, and the ramifications that it might have, call into question the concept of European identity, indicative of a sense of belonging and attachment to a community beyond the confines of the nation-state. European identity has been conceived by both European elites and academics such as Jürgen Habermas, in his vision of ‘constitutional patriotism’, as something which can be constructed and fostered, in much the same way that national identity has been in the past. Euroscepticism tends to be associated with a lack of European identity, and an emphasis on nationalism.   However, such views downplay the importance still accorded to the nation-state, and the pervasiveness of nationalism. This study argues that European identity is first and foremost a construct of national discourse, and this affects the role that it plays in fostering support for the EU. Therefore, the research examines British national discourse on Europe and the EU, asking: Does the concept of European identity play a role in the Brexit debate? It considers this in relation to affective attachment to the nation-state, examining the kind of assumptions that such attachment enables. Given its emphasis on European identity as a rhetorical construct, this study uses a method of Critical Discourse Analysis, looking at political and public discourse in the UK over a three-month period in the lead up to the ‘Brexit’ referendum.   The findings confirm the pervasiveness of nationalist assumptions used in discourse, demonstrating that they are not associated solely with Euroscepticism. Moreover, the Brexit debate indicates the rhetorical nature of European identity rooted in shared culture or values. As a result, we see strange bedfellows: support for the EU is premised with an emphasis on national allegiance and belonging, while European identity (based on cultural similarity and belonging) is used as an argument against the EU. Both sides of the debate rely to some extent on a separation of ‘Europe’ and ‘EU’. Support for the EU, then, does not necessarily require a ‘thick’ identity, or that the bonds of nationalism be completely broken down. This prompts some reflection on the potential for identification with Europe based on rational, national self-interest.

Syftet med denna studie är att belysa enskilda flyktingars upplevelser av flykt från Syrien till Sverige. Det studien intresserat sig för är det stöd respektive hinder som informanterna upplevt under sin resa genom Europa och hur EU:s migrationspolitik avspeglas i flyktingens berättelse. För att kunna belysa flyktingars upplevelser av flykt intervjuades fem informanter som vid intervjutillfället bodde på ett asylboende. Studien har en kvalitativ ansats då intresset ligger i enskilda individers upplevelser av resan genom Europa. Den valda teorin och metoden är narrativ för att kunna göra en tolkning av intervjudeltagarnas berättelser om att vara flykting. Analysen byggs upp med utdrag ur deltagarnas livsberättelser och kopplas till den tidigare forskningen och de teorier som presenterats. Teorier som ligger till grund för denna diskussion är Zygmunt Baumans, vagabonder och turister och Peter Kivisto och Thomas Faists tolkning av Everett Lees teori om migration, push-pull modellen. Studien har en kritisk ansats och diskuterar flyktingarnas resa genom Europa i anknytning till EU:s migrationspolitik. Studien visar att EU:s alltmer restriktiva migrationspolitik leder till att flyktingar tvingas ta farliga vägar och använda sig av irreguljära tillvägagångssätt i sitt sökande efter säkerhet och trygghet.

The freedom of movement within the European Union is one of the pillars in which the EU is built and is encouraged as a mean to create a European citizenship. Even though economic reasons for moving within the union are most common, other reasons such as family or education is important in migration decisions. As immigration from member states of the Union have raised since the Swedish accession, many also returns to their country of origin and emigration rates from Sweden are high. Besides economic reasons for leaving Sweden, the family context also plays an important role in immigrants’ decision to emigrate. The aim of this study is to explore what impact family life and especially the presence of children might have on out-migration but also to look into socio-economic determinants of emigration. To analyze this, I use longitudinal population register data on EU-15 migrants in Sweden to apply an event-history analysis. The results suggest that economic integration in Sweden plays an important part as unemployed and having a low income means higher emigration propensities. Having no partner or a partner not born in Sweden means a higher risk of leaving compared to those with a Swedish-born partner, but when information about children is included, having children or not seems to matter more than being in a relationship or not. A closer look at the country of birth of the children shows that having Swedish-born children inhibits emigration while having foreign born children increases the probability to emigrate. The results indicate that having a Swedish born child provides motives to stay on in Sweden.

No description available.

Triggered by the state of the housing market and a change in the housing association subsidy system, housing affordability became a topical issue of discourse in Britain towards the end of the 1980s. Yet, there is little research both on the extent of the problem at the national level and how affordability should be measured. This research attempts to advance understanding in these issues based on data from the 1991 Family Expenditure Survey and the 1988 General Household Survey. In this thesis, a new definition of the residual income measurement has been proposed and threshold affordability ratios has also been established using a composite approach to affordability measurement combining the ratio and the residual income measurement, in additional to an experimentation on a behavioral approach to the measurement of affordability. Findings in this thesis suggest that, measured by the ratio measurement and the traditional residual income measurement, about a quarter of households in 1991 were in unaffordable housing. Social tenants and tenants in the unfurnished private rented sector, lone parents, the elderly persons and households with unemployed household heads and claimants of housing benefit were more likely to be in unaffordable housing. However, there is no evidence in support of distinct patterns in household expenditure between households who were affordable to housing and those who were unaffordable. It is also controversial to regard households who were unaffordable to housing but at the same time over-consumiing housing to be in voluntary unaffordability problem owing to the difficulties such households would have in adjusting their level of housing consumption. This thesis also points to the close relationship between housing affordability, housing benefit and social tenancy which suggests the inadequacy of the housing benefit system and state provision of housing in protecting households from the problem of housing affordability. A section of this thesis was devoted to the examination of the ability of tenants to buy in the late 1980s where tenure preference has been incorporated in the measurement of such ability. It was found that the majority of tenants in 1988 could not afford to buy and tenants living in London and the South East, single person households, lone parents and households on a low income were the least able to afford buying. Though the Right to Buy scheme would improve the capacity of these households in council housing to become home owners, they are still households who were the least able to buy.

No description available.