Constructivist accounts of the EU’s emergence as a security actor typically focus on changing conceptions of the Union’s role within a European context, at both national and EU levels. But few studies have analysed how significant Others in the international system understand the EU’s evolving role, which is assumed to play an important role in EU identity construction. This thesis analyses the nature of the US elite’s discourse on the EU, assessing the relative influence of factors - internal and external to the elite - in shaping its evaluations of EU security action. The study adopts a discursive institutionalist approach exploring how differing ideas about the EU are expressed and modifying this framework to examine how agents purposefully shape discourse in line with their preferences. By adapting the framework to focus on competing elite sub-groups, the project seeks to analyse discursive attempts at institutional change in greater detail. The study employed a qualitative content analysis of more than 100 texts produced by an ideologically and institutionally representative group of American foreign policy analysts and officials, in two cases: common foreign and security policy (CFSP) and counter terrorism cooperation. Public and classified official texts in the public domain were analysed to compare coordinative and communicative discourse. The findings indicate that ideological cleavages are mirrored in distinct narrative accounts of EU, which cross cut the Union’s differing security policy competence levels. While perceptions of European disunity and weakness dominated both conservative and liberal accounts, conservative analysts continued to portray EU security integration as threatening to US interests, a theme which has declined in importance in mainstream official discourse since the early 2000s. Empirically, the thesis provides a rich analysis of discourse on the EU in a context with significance both for scholars and policymakers concerned with external perceptions of the EU as a security actor. It provides a novel assessment of how American officials’ assessments of the EU differ in public and in private. By analysing the discursive tactics of influential elite sub-groups, it reveals an arena for competing accounts of the EU in which the Union’s differing policy competences are overshadowed by the elite’s ideological cleavages.

In the field of European studies, the notion of ‘differentiated integration’ (Stubb 1996) was developed in the late 1990s as an alternative to the crude membership/non-membership dichotomy. While the theoretical benefits of this approach are broadly discussed in the existing literature, further empirical studies have been deemed necessary (Holzinger and Schimmelfennig 2012). The Nordic states constitute a particularly interesting laboratory in order to study this phenomenon. Indeed, while these states share several socio-economic and political characteristics, they also differ in terms of their relationship with the European Union. Several studies on these relationships emphasise the relevance of certain contextual variables as key explanatory factors for the variation in attitudes between the Nordic states. However, there is also lack of analysis that looks into the domestic political features that these countries share. Furthermore, most studies in the field tend to ignore the respective government’s positions on European integration, and mostly adopt a top-down approach when focusing on the nation-state as a whole. Adopting a most similar systems design, this thesis aims to answer the following question: have Nordic government preferences on European integration been influenced by domestic political factors? In order to answer this question, four domestic variables are introduced and analysed: relative strength of parties in parliament; composition of government; type of government; and government ideology. Within this comparative framework, three Nordic countries have been selected: the first one belonging to the ‘inner core’ of the European Union (Finland);; while the second is located at its ‘outer core’ (Sweden);; and the third one serves as a control case as an ‘EU-outsider’ which is still located in the Union’s ‘inner periphery’ (Norway). For each state, the analysis starts in the early 1990s, when ‘Europe’ developed into a politically salient issue in domestic politics. The focus is furthermore set on their respective government’s positions regarding five distinct policy areas: participation in the European Economic Area; application for European Union membership; participation in the Schengen Area; participation in the Economic and Monetary Union; and participation in European Battle Groups. The main findings of the thesis suggest that when analysing governments’ positions on (differentiated) European integration, the domestic political features should not be downplayed. For instance, the Swedish government’s opposition to participation in the EMU in 1997 is mostly explained by a lack of party consensus over this issue, unlike in Finland where a broad inter-party agreement was secured for this policy area. The analysis further suggests that studies on party and government preferences on Europe should focus on policy areas rather than on the issue of integration as a whole. Such a focus provides for better understanding of the nature of ‘Euroscepticism’ in the Nordic region and, to a broader extent, in Europe.

Although cultural policy and cultural diplomacy are just some of various forms soft power, there is a lack of research between the EU and Morocco despite an increased interest from the EU in various Southern Mediterranean countries. There is a general research gap in the academic world regarding the evaluation the EU’s external cultural policy in Morocco, which this research paper seeks to contribute to fill in the soft power and global context. This paper seeks to examine the role that cultural diplomacy has in the soft power process, specifically with the case of the EU and Morocco.From this research paper it was found that although culture has generally played an increasing role in EU and Morocco relations, when examining EU-Morocco cultural relations pertaining to their soft power potential, it was unveiled that the EU and Morocco are not fully utilizing their soft power abilities in relation to their cultural policy practices. For instance, in relation to EU-Morocco cultural policy there is a distinctive lack in clarity in government objectives which negatively impacts soft power potential. In EU cultural documents, there is also a clear and different role in internal and external relations also affecting cultural relations with Morocco. However, despite these shortcomings, the EU and Morocco continue to build on their relations with future plans to deepen their agreements. It is in the interest of the EU and Morocco to invest and refine their cultural policy in order to fully utilize the cultural opportunities and benefits for both states in these future agreements. The specific benefits and motivations for the EU and Morocco are also discussed. The theoretical outline for this paper involved power, especially Nye’s conception of soft power, along with public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, as well as cultural relations. The focus of analysis of this thesis included EU documents such as, treaties, joint agreements, declarations, conclusions, and so on will be the main source of document analysis for this paper in order to trace the evolution of EU-Morocco cultural policy and relations. Additionally Chodubski’s framework derived from the political science field was used alongside critical political discourse analysis.

Globalisation and the transfer of powers from state constitutional systems to international organisations (IOs) have led to several deficiencies, especially with regard to checks and balances in global governance. The need to inculcate the rule of law and constitutionalism in global governance has therefore gained currency in the 21st century. This has been exemplified by calls for the reform of the United Nations (UN) and the extensive reforms in regional IOs, such as the European Union (EU), with emphasis on institutional balance and the tempering of political power with institutional controls. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Jacqui Gallinetti Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa. 2010. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This mini-dissertation critically analyse the use of anti-dumping regulations between South Africa, the European Union and China. South Africa, the European Union and China are all members of the World Trade Organisation. Dumping is legally defined in terms of Article VI of the General Agreements Act on Tariffs and Trade as “a product that is exported from one country to another at a price less than a price at which like goods are sold from domestic consumption in the exporting country”. The only way to protect a country from dumping is to use their universal, legal instruments set out by the World Trade Organisation, namely the most commonly used trade remedy, anti-dumping, countervailing and subsidies and lastly safeguards. On the 14th of November 2003, South Africa promulgated their anti-dumping regulations that had a broader overview regarding dumping than the previous legislation on this matter. Although there had been several opportunities to properly legislate anti-dumping substance and procedures, the existing South African legislation including the International Administration Act, still does not conform to the requirements and standards of the World Trade Organisation. In the early 20th Century, a number of European countries came together and formulated an Anti-dumping Agreement and was also known as the European Union. The European Union is seen as one of the biggest trade actors in the world. In 1994 the European anti-dumping laws were laid down. Regarding to non-market economies, the European legislation did not have a lot of change during the last decade. The European Union conforms to the requirements and standards set out by the World Trade Organisation. On 25 March 1997 the state council of the People’s Republic of China promulgated anti-dumping and countervailing regulations. At this point in time, China is undergoing an economic transformation, but before China plays an important part in the World Trade Organisation, it must learn to use the World Trade Organisation and integrate the World Trade Organisation laws that are directly related to China by looking at the international trade’s advantages and disadvantages. China is under severe dumping and anti-dumping status quo, which is directly paired with the development of China's anti-dumping legislation where new demands are being brought forward. South Africa’s relationship regarding China, lead to a Memorandum of Understanding in December 1999 where the regional trade protocol was signed between the two countries in terms of textiles, that South Africa won’t impose any duties against China until December 2013, but antidumping duties can be imposed on any other country. South Africa and the European Union have not yet created such a relationship of that between South Africa and China, but South Africa and the European Union, both signed the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement. This was the first bi-lateral framework agreement between South Africa and the European Union. The final ratification occurred in 2004 and was revised in March 2007. The international trade war against China and the European Union has been won by China, because the WTO recently came to the conclusion that the European Union’s trade policies against China were discriminatory. It should be mentioned that these three countries will play an important role in the development and implementation of international trade relations and regulations and by their collusion, it could only improve the visions of international trade. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Mercantile Law / unrestricted

This thesis aims to evaluate the EU's two sanctions on China's human right contradict each other despite the former's cynical nature. although the EU's two sanctions had yet been proven to achieve any substantial China's

yes / Not only is the participation of developing countries in international trade negotiations growing, so is their influence over the global trade agenda. This article highlights the increasing activism and impact of African states through a detailed study of the current Economic Partnership Agreement (EPAs) negotiations with the European Union (EU). In examining African resistance to EPAs, the article develops a constructivist approach to North-South trade negotiations that pays close attention to the role of development discourses. We argue that the growing willingness of African states to challenge the EU to deliver on its development promises during the decade-long EPA process was crucial to informing their sustained opposition to the EU’s goal of completing a comprehensive set of sub-regional economic agreements. We document African resistance to EU trade diplomacy in the EPAs, exploring how these otherwise weak countries were able to pursue normative-based negotiation strategies by recourse to the EU’s promise of a ‘development partnership.’

By adopting a multilevel approach to understanding decisions taken in security and defence policies by European member states, the paper argues that the development of the European Security and Defence Policy, the proliferation of ad-hoc coalitions of the willing, and the subcontracting of security tasks from the UN has worsened the challenge of parliamentary accountability in foreign, security and defence policies. The paper evaluates how the European Convention has sought to bridge the parliamentary accountability gap in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and in European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The outcomes of the Convention on the future of Europe are not meeting its initial ambition to put foreign, security and defence policy among the priorities for the European Union¿s constitutional design. CFSP will become more integrated, on an intergovernmental rather than supranational model and under the large states¿ control. The major innovation is the creation of the position of Foreign Affairs Minister whose autonomy remains still uncertain, especially in his/her relationship with the President of the European Council. ESDP¿s operational capabilities and scope are both extended while coalitions of the willing are institutionalised and a defence core group could emerge. The contrast remains between a slower integration of CFSP and a faster progress of ESDP. Given the significance of proposals in ESDP, the new powers proposed by the European Convention to be given to national parliaments and the European Parliament in this policy area are too weak to close the existing parliamentary accountability gap.

Yes / This article provides an overview of the current stage of development as well as the outlook for future cooperation in the field of renewable energy between the European Union and the countries of Middle East and North Africa (MENA). To continue with the progress achieved in the context of the Mediterranean Solar Plan the MENA region should adopt a regionally coordinated approach due to the absence of an established institutional and regulatory framework for trans-regional cooperation. While several studies have highlighted the competitiveness of electricity produced from renewable energy sources in MENA, governments and policy makers in the region should carefully assess their ability to ensure a sustainable policy framework for the renewables sector and opportunities for trans-regional exchanges of electricity. This article proposes that in order to address governance issues and facilitate the creation of a regional energy market, MENA countries may need to adopt an intergovernmental instrument such as the Energy Charter Treaty or the International Energy Charter.

冷戰後加上後共時期的轉型促使俄羅斯與歐盟的關係日趨緊密，而俄羅斯的領導階層亦將俄歐關係視為戰略伙伴關係。俄羅斯在葉爾辛執政時期，由於決策階層對於俄歐夥伴關係缺乏清晰的認知，導致俄歐戰略夥伴關係之發展並未有重要成果。 俄羅斯對歐盟關係經過長時間的停滯不前後，在普欽執政下，歐盟逐漸成為俄羅斯外交政策的重要目標。俄羅斯與歐盟在政治、經濟、商貿及安全等領域之關係發展對於彼此均非常重要，但是雙方在民主、人權、貿易及能源等方面仍然存有許多分歧，俄羅斯與歐盟唯有透過協商及彼此妥協方能有效解決上述歧見。 / Post-Cold War and post-communist transformations had brought Russia closer to the European Union, the Russian leadership had declared that it had made a European choice and viewed EU-Russian relations as a strategic partnership. But during Yeltsin’s presidency, many Russian policy-makers seemed to lack a clear understanding of what to get from the EU-Russian partnership, the EU-Russia strategic partnership did not produce any serious results. After a decade of uncertainty about Russia’s relations to the EU, the EU has become a constant theme in Russia’s foreign policy discourse of Putin’s presidency. The relationship between Russia and the EU is very important to both parties in political, economic, business, and security terms. But there are many disputes between Russia and EU in democracy, human rights, trade, energy, etc. Russia and the EU can only solve these problems through negotiations and compromises.