There is a shortage of qualitative research inquiring into Swedish election manifestos, which could provide the research field with a deeper understanding of how the EU is discussed in election manifestos. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to examine signs of Europeanisation in Swedish election manifestos, employing a qualitative content analysis and the theoretical concepts of politicisation and Europeanisation. The results show that Swedish parties politicise several different dimensions of the EU in both national and European election manifestos, discussing contextual factors as well constitutional issues. While the parties thus display signs of Europeanisation, they discuss the EU ambiguously which adds complexity to the image of Swedish parties’ election manifestos as Europeanised. This thesis sheds light on how Swedish parties' EU discussion can be approached qualitatively, providinga deeper understanding of EU contents of election manifestos.

Practitioners and academics clearly established that participation in the EU system of foreign policy-making transforms national foreign policies. Whilst there have been detailed studies of the impact of participation in EU foreign policy on the original fifteen member states there are, as yet, few academic studies that have thoroughly investigated the impact of progressive integration in the area of EU foreign and security policy on the new (i.e. those who joined since 2004) member states. This thesis aims to address this deficit by focusing on the impact of Poland's participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It examines the processes of 'downloading', as it is argued here that involvement in CFSP has had a direct effect on both the procedures of foreign policy-making in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and, on the substance of Polish foreign policy as well as the impact of 'uploading' from member states to the EU level and 'crossloading' between EU member states. The thesis addresses the relevant conceptual issues and provides an outline of the academic debate regarding Europeanisation and foreign policy. It identifies three mechanisms that are responsible for change: conditionality, socialisation and learning. It suggests that a member state first adapts its national foreign policy to bring it in line with the EU's acquis politique and introduces basic changes in its institutional procedures in order to effectively participate in the EU's CFSP. Only later, does socialisation and learning result in changes to how national foreign policy is made, which then facilitates both changes to the substance of national policy and the uploading of national preferences to the EU level. A two-phase model of change is introduced which identifies April 2003, when Poland first became an active observer within the EU, as the date when Europeanisation began. The thesis provides a brief explanation of the transformation of Polish foreign policy after 1989, in order to provide contextual background for the four substantive chapters which follow: one procedural on the changes in the Polish MFA and three related to policy substance. The latter three chapters examine the Europeanisation of policy towards Poland's East European neighbours in general and policies towards Ukraine and Belarus in particular. The thesis concludes with a set of methodological and conceptual observations followed by analysis of the empirical findings.

The diploma thesis "Framing of euroscepticism in the Czech daily press" deals with political communication about the European Union realized in the czech daily press (namely MF DNES, Právo and Hospodářské noviny) during three events which were essential fot the Czech republic. It was referendum (2003), signing of Lisbon Treaty (2009) and signing of ESM (2013). It focuses on quality and europeanisation of public debate and its changes within this events. It also investigates how eurosceptic actors and and oponions are represented. It is trying to examine what are their possibilities of participating in public debate and identify attitudes of individual tituls. Research methods are quantitative analysis plus frame analysis. It also treats (in theoretical part) concepts like political communication (generally and on the european level), european public sphere and also euroscepticism itself.

<p>U poslednjih tridesetak godina do&scaron;lo je do<br />značajnog napretka u ostvarivanju rodne<br />ravnopravnosti i prava žena na svetskom<br />nivou. Međutim, rodni jaz u oblasti<br />ekonomske i političke ravnopravnosti jo&scaron;<br />predstavlja poseban izazov za globalni<br />razvoj, ravnopravnu raspodelu resursa, kao i<br />sprečavanje rodno zasnovanog nasilja i<br />diskriminacije. Položaj žena u Srbiji prati<br />pokazatelje na svetskom nivou i bez obzira<br />na socijalističko nasleđe, uče&scaron;će žena u javnoj<br />sferi rada i politike jo&scaron; uvek je veliki izazov<br />za razvoj i modernizaciju dru&scaron;tva, kao i za<br />feminističku teoriju i praksu.<br />U teorijskom smislu teza se oslanja na<br />feminističku kritiku koncepta liberalnog<br />građanstva i rodne podele rada na javnu<br />sferu koja pripada mu&scaron;karcima, i privatnu<br />koja pripada ženama. Praktične posledice<br />ove podele utiču na položaj žena u javnoj, ali i<br />privatnoj sferi, uživanje prava na<br />ravnopravnost, život bez nasilja i<br />diskriminacije. Upravo zato je tranformacija<br />rodnog režima u sferi privatnosti i porodice<br />poseban izazov za sve aktere koji učestvuju u<br />kreiranju javnih politika, jer mogu da utiču<br />na menjanje patrijahalnih rodnih uloga i<br />obrazaca, ali i na njihovo jačanje. Stoga<br />politike podr&scaron;ke porodici predstavljaju važan<br />predmet proučavanja rodnih teorija i<br />feminističke prakse, posebno u kontekstu<br />slabljenja države blagostanja i redefinisanja<br />koncepta nege u globalnoj ekonomiji.<br />U radu ispitujem načine na koji javne politike<br />i zakonodavstvo u Srbiji od 2000. do 2014.<br />reguli&scaron;u rodne odnose u domenu porodičnog<br />života i na koji način te intervencije</p><p>doprinose rodnoj ravnopravnosti, odnosno<br />smanjenju rodne diskriminacije. Promene u<br />diskursu i praksi politika podr&scaron;ke porodici<br />posmatram u periodu od četrnaest godina<br />(2000‒2014), koji predstavlja početni period<br />dru&scaron;tvene, političke i ekonomske tranzicije u<br />Srbiji koja je diskurzivno neodvojiva od<br />evropskih integracija.<br />Politike podr&scaron;ke porodici predstavljaju<br />strate&scaron;ke i zakonske mere kojima se reguli&scaron;e<br />i olak&scaron;ava roditeljstvo i briga o zavisnim<br />članovima porodice (finansijske olak&scaron;ice za<br />porodice sa decom, ostvarivanje prava i<br />pristup različitim servisima brige i nege), kao<br />i mere koje reguli&scaron;u trži&scaron;te rada kako bi se<br />povećala zaposlenost i za&scaron;titile porodice sa<br />decom od nezaposlenosti i siroma&scaron;tva<br />(posebna za&scaron;tita trudnica, porodilja i majki<br />sa decom, usklađivanje porodičnog i<br />poslovnog života, roditeljsko odsustvo zbog<br />brige o detetu, fleksibilni oblici rada, ali i<br />mere zapo&scaron;ljavanja te&scaron;ko zapo&scaron;ljivih<br />kategorija stanovni&scaron;tva u oblasti nege).<br />U radu zastupam tezu da se proces<br />formulisanja pravnog i strate&scaron;kog okvira<br />politika podr&scaron;ke porodici nalazi pod uticajem<br />nekoliko faktora. Ti faktori su, pre svega,<br />globalna neoliberalna ekonomska, dru&scaron;tvena<br />i politička tranzicija od države blagostanja ka<br />državi rada, kao i odgovora regionalnih<br />(Evropska unija), odnosno<br />lokalnih/poluperiferijskih (Srbija) rodnih<br />režima na ove procese. Stoga je fokus rodne<br />analize politika podr&scaron;ke porodici na<br />potencijalnom &bdquo;iskrivljavanju i pro&scaron;irivanju&rdquo;<br />značenja rodne ravnopravnosti (Lombardo<br />et al., 2009), kao i u mehanizmima<br />uključenosti i isključenosti &bdquo;glasa&ldquo; pojedinih<br />aktera u proces odlučivanja o specifičnim<br />okvirima ovih politika.<br />Takođe, kreiranje javnih politika u privatnoj<br />sferi posmatram i u okviru primene koncepta<br />interesekcionalnosti (Crenshaw 1989) i<br />kritičkih studija maskuliniteta (Hearn 2004).<br />U istraživanju posebnu pažnju posvećujem<br />preduslovima i kriterijumima primene<br />strategije urodnjavanja u kreiranju javnih<br />politika (Verloo 2001). Kritički se osvrćem na<br />recepciju i primenu strategije urodnjavanja u</p><p>Srbiji, imajući u vidu njen transformativni<br />potencijal s jedne strane, a sa druge<br />tehnokratsko-birokratski pristup kreatora<br />politika i donosilaca odluka.<br />U disertaciji posebno analiziram ko-optiranje<br />urodnjavanja sa drugim ciljevima javnih<br />politika koje često ne moraju imati za cilj<br />rodnu ravnopravnost, već na primer,<br />konkurentnost na trži&scaron;tu rada ili povećanje<br />stope nataliteta. Primenu urodnjavanja<br />analizirala sam u okviru koncepta državnog<br />feminizma (MacBride and Mazur 2010) i<br />procesa evropeizacije, a u kontekstu postkonfliktnog,<br />post-socijalističkog dru&scaron;tva<br />poluperiferije u Srbiji (Blagojević 2009).<br />Disertacija nudi uvid u procese, institucije i<br />kriterijume koje je potrebno ispuniti kako bi<br />se tranformisali rodni režimi i otklonila<br />rodna diskriminacija i u privatnoj i javnoj<br />sferi. Rezultati istraživanja mogu biti od<br />koristi donosiocima odluka i kreatorima<br />politika u primeni informisanih odluka<br />prilikom uobličavanja politika podr&scaron;ke<br />porodici u Srbiji.</p> / <p>Over the past thirty years there has been<br />significant progress in achieving gender<br />equality and women&#39;s rights world-wide.<br />However, the gender gap in the area of<br />economic and political equality still poses a<br />special challenge to global development, the<br />equal distribution of resources, and the<br />prevention of gender-based violence and<br />discrimination. The position of women in<br />Serbia is part of this global trend and<br />regardless of socialist history, women&#39;s<br />participation in the public sphere of work and<br />politics is still a major challenge for the<br />development and modernization of society, as<br />well as for feminist theory and practice.<br />Theoretically, the thesis relies on a feminist<br />critique of the concept of liberal citizenship<br />and the gender division of labor, where the<br />public sphere is belonging to men, and private<br />to women. The practical consequences of this<br />division affect the position of women in the<br />public as well as the private sphere, the<br />enjoyment of the right to equality, life without<br />violence and discrimination. That is precisely<br />why the transformation of the gender regime<br />in the sphere of privacy and family is a<br />particular challenge for all actors involved in<br />the creation of public policies, as they can<br />influence the changing or strengthening of<br />patriarchal gender roles and patterns.<br />Therefore, family support policies are an<br />important subject of the study of gender<br />theories and feminist practice, especially in<br />the context of the weakening of the welfare<br />state and the redefinition of the concept of<br />care in the global economy.<br />In the thesis, I am examining the ways in</p><p>which public policies and legislation in Serbia<br />regulate gender relations in the domain of<br />family life from 2000 to 2014 and how these<br />interventions contribute to gender equality<br />and to the reduction of gender discrimination.<br />I study changes in discourse and practice of<br />family policies for a period of fourteen years<br />(2000-2014), which represents the beginning<br />of social, political and economic transition in<br />Serbia that is discursively inseparable from<br />European integration.<br />Family policies are strategic and legal<br />measures that regulate and facilitate<br />parenting and care for dependent family<br />members (financial relief for families with<br />children, exercising rights and access to<br />various care and care services), as well as<br />measures regulating the labor market to<br />increase employment and protection of<br />families with children from unemployment<br />and poverty (special protection of pregnant<br />women, maternity and mothers with children,<br />reconciliation of family and work life, parental<br />leave due to child care, flexible working<br />practices, as well as employment measures of<br />hard-to-employ categories of population in<br />the field of care).<br />In the dissertation, I argue that the process of<br />formulating the legal and strategic framework<br />of family policies in Serbia is under the<br />influence of several factors. These factors are,<br />above all, a global neoliberal economic, social<br />and political transition from the welfare state<br />to the workfare state, as well as the responses<br />of regional (European Union) and local /<br />semi-peripherial (Serbia) gender regimes to<br />these processes. Therefore, the focus of<br />gender analysis in the dissertation is the<br />family policy of supporting the family in the<br />potential &quot;stretching and bending&quot; of the<br />meaning of gender equality (Lombardo et al.,<br />2009), as well as in the mechanisms of<br />inclusion and exclusion of the &quot;voice&quot; of<br />individual actors in the decision-making<br />process on the specific frameworks of these<br />policies. Also, the creation of public policies in<br />the private sphere is also seen within the<br />theoretical framework and practical<br />application of the concept of intersectionality</p><p>(Crenshaw, 1989) and critical studies of men<br />and masculinity (Hearn, 2004).<br />In the dissertation, special attention is paid to<br />the preconditions and criteria of successful<br />implementation of the gender mainstreaming<br />in the creation of public policies (Verloo,<br />2001). It reflects critically on the reception<br />and implementation of the gender<br />mainstreaming in Serbia, bearing in mind its<br />transformative potential on the one hand, and<br />on the other, the technocratic-bureaucratic<br />approach of policymakers and decisionmakers.<br />In particular, the dissertation analyzes the cooption<br />of gender mainstreaming with other<br />policy outcomes that often do not have to<br />have as a goal gender equality, but for<br />example, labor market competitiveness or an<br />increase in the birth rate. Successful<br />application of the gender mainstraming was<br />specifically analyzed within the concept of<br />state feminism (MacBride and Mazur, 2010),<br />the process of EU accession, and in the context<br />of the post-conflict, post-socialist semiperiphery<br />society in Serbia (Blagojević, 2009).<br />The ultimate goal of the research is to support<br />decision-makers and policy makers in<br />implementing informed decisions when<br />shaping family policies in Serbia. At the same<br />time, the disertation offers a useful insight<br />into the processes, institutions and criteria<br />that need to be met in order to transform the<br />gender regimes and eliminate gender<br />discrimination in the private and public<br />sphere.</p>

Cette thèse de science politique propose de comparer l’européanisation des politiques de santé en Suède et en France dans une perspective historique et interactionniste. Depuis les années 1990, de nombreuses études ont démontré l’importance croissante des interventions de l’Union européenne dans le domaine de la santé. Mais peu de travaux se sont interrogés sur la manière dont l’institutionnalisation de l’action publique européenne s’articule avec les changements des politiques de santé nationales sur la longue durée. Partant du postulat selon lequel les systèmes de santé font partie des secteurs les plus solidement ancrés dans les espaces nationaux et sont organisés selon des modèles institutionnels très divers, il s’agit de comprendre comment les dimensions européennes des politiques de santé ont été construites et incorporées dans les systèmes nationaux. La comparaison entre les politiques de santé en Suède et en France se justifie d’une part par le fait que ces pays correspondent à deux grands types d’organisation des systèmes de santé existant au sein de l’Union européenne, respectivement les systèmes nationaux de santé et les systèmes d’assurance maladie, et d’autre part en raison de l’histoire européenne contrastée de ces deux pays, la France étant un État-membre fondateur et la Suède n’ayant rejoint l’UE que tardivement et sans enthousiasme. Nous pouvons ainsi démontrer sur une période longue et pour deux cas contrastés que les effets de l’intégration européenne ne se réduisent pas aux pressions européennes sur des systèmes de santé plus ou moins fit. En retraçant les trajectoires d’européanisation des politiques de santé suédoises et françaises sur une longue période et pour plusieurs enjeux clefs des modèles nationaux en termes d’organisation des soins (démographie médicale et choix des patients) et de santé publique (lutte contre le cancer, le tabagisme et l’alcoolisme), cette thèse montre que l’européanisation des politiques de santé est le fruit d’un travail politique ancien de construction d’acteurs domestiques en interactions. / This PhD thesis, in the field of political science, offers to compare the Europeanisation of health policies in France and Sweden, in a historic and interactionist perspective. Since the 1990s, numerous studies have shown the growing significance of the European Union’s intervention in the health sector. However, few of them have looked at how the institutionalisation of European public action interplays with national health policy changes in a long-term approach. Based on the premise that health systems are strongly embedded in national settings and are organised along very different institutional models, the aim is to understand how the European dimension of health policies have been built and incorporated into national systems. The comparison between health policies in Sweden and France is justified on the one hand by the fact that each country represents one of the two main type of health systems existing in the European Union, the national health and national insurance system respectively; and on the other hand by the contrasting European histories of these two states, France being one of the founding members and Sweden having joined the EU at a later stage and with little enthusiasm. We can thus show on a long period of time, and for two different cases, that the effects of European integration cannot be reduced to European pressures on health systems that are more or less fit. By tracing the trajectories of Europeanisation of Swedish and French health policies on a long period, and for key issues for the national models regarding healthcare services (demography of health care professionals and patient’s choice) and public health (fight against cancer, tobacco and alcohol addictions), this dissertation shows that the Europeanisation of health policies results from the long-term political work of construction of domestic actors in interaction.

This paper examines the relationship between Europeanisation and the recent changes of the Norwegian and Swedish security identities. Since the mid-1990s, these two countries have gone different ways, the former as an active non-member with no decision-making powers and the latter as an active participant in the development of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). Concerning Norway and Sweden’s security identity, both have changed exceedingly over the years. Norway, which has valued the US and the transatlantic partnership through NATO, namely being an ‘Atlanticist’, seeks a deeper connection to the EU as a security actor over the last fifteen years, despite the authorities emphasizing that NATO remains the cornerstone for Norwegian security policy. Sweden, which maintained strongly neutral and non-aligned throughout the 20th century, was initially sceptic to partaking in the security and defence dimension of the Union. Nonetheless, Sweden, as a member, managed to change its perception of EU’s security policy through highlighting crisis management and turned out to become one of EU’s most active contributors in shaping the ESDP. This paper concludes that Norway and Sweden have seen similar outcomes concerning Europeanisation, despite holding different positions in relation to the EU. Norway has not been able to hold an influential role respecting its European integration process, even though the authorities seek to gain as much input as possible into the ESDP through associate membership. Sweden, in contrast, entered the Union with an initial negative attitude concerning the security and defence policy but has changed its perception and chosen to play an active part in the policy making process through influencing and deepening its cooperation.

Thesis entitled "Europeanisation of criminal law" focuses on the approximation of procedural criminal law of European countries under the influence of the European Union and the Council of Europe. Europeanisation of criminal law is a process of adopting common European standards for substantive and procedural criminal law. The thesis is divided into five main chapters. First, introductory, chapter defines basic terms, e.g. europeanisation of criminal law, European criminal law, and points out some of the basic issues with the attention to main development lines of europeanisation. Second chapter provides a comprehensive overview of the historic development of europeanisation of criminal law and the development of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. This chapter describes the progress of the idea of approximation of criminal law of European countries with the emphasis on the influence of the Council of Europe and the European Union upon procedural criminal law. It also contains the comparison of legal instruments of these international organisations and points out possible linked issues. Third chapter of the thesis is aimed at the protection of the human rights that is closely connected with the process of europeanisation of criminal law and criminal law in general. It also...

The MA thesis called "Transformation of the labour markets in the United Kingdom, Germany and France in 2007-2010" tests the theory underlying models of capitalism in the context of the EU's Europeanization policies. The theoretical concept is analysed through labour market reforms in the UK, Germany and France between 2007 and 2010. For the purposes of this work, the United Kingdom represents a liberal market economy, Germany a coordinated market economy and France is considered a state-influenced market economy. The time span of the present study is linked to the concept of flexicurity, i.e. the EU's policy aiming to modernize and harmonize the Member States' labour markets, implemented in 2007-2010 within the Lisbon Strategy. The primary objective of the present work is to verify whether the labour market reforms introduced by the British, German and French governments corresponded to their national models of capitalism in the period from 2007 to 2010. The present thesis also explores the degree to which the national governments and socials partners of the UK, Germany and France identified with the concept of flexicurity in 2007-2010. Using the method of a comparative synchronous case study, the research shows that not all labour market reforms were in full compliance with the national models....

The aim of the thesis is to explore how national street-level bureaucrats perceive their role when implementing EU soft law in a Europeanised environment. Existing studies have focused on the role perception of public servants working within implementation of EU hard law, or being diplomats or working on ministerial level. These studies find that there is an additional EU servant role perception, beyond the national servant role perception. It provides the theoretical and empirical expectation that the public servants on the street-level and within EU soft law are national servants and do not hold an additional EU role perception. The study uses theories on Europeanisation, identity and role perception, and street-level bureaucracy to further understand the case. The thesis is based on 13 semi-structured interviews to understand the role perception. The selected case is a least-likely study as it explores role perception of street-level bureaucrats within EU soft law. More precisely, the field of higher education and its internationalisation, as the study selects the Erasmus+ programme and street-level bureaucrats who work with its implementation in Sweden. This, to understand how they perceive their role when implementing an EU programme and in a Europeanised, but also national, environment. The findings of the thesis show that the street-level bureaucrats hold a national role perception but there are respondents who also present a perception of an additional EU role perception, for example five respondents who presented to be working for the EU in addition to the Higher Education Institution. Thus, it does not provide enough support for the theoretical and empirical expectations to be confirmed that street-level bureaucrats within EU soft law only hold a national servant role perception. Hence, it shows that it also exists a perception of also being an EU servant and holding loyalty to the EU.

Depuis le milieu des années 1980, la construction européenne est entrée dans une phase d’accélération quivoit l’affirmation de l’Union européenne comme un espace de décision politique à part entière, dont lesprérogatives et les interventions deviennent toujours plus palpables au niveau domestique. Cette thèseexplore les conséquences de ce processus sur la compétition électorale. Le questionnement de ladistinction populaire entre effets « directs » et « indirects » nourrit une réflexion sur les mécanismes parlesquels les partis sont affectés et nous conduit à conceptualiser l’intégration européenne comme unealtération de l’environnement et de la structure d’opportunités des partis, à travers l’européanisation despolitiques publiques et la mise sur agenda de nouveaux enjeux. Cette perspective permet à la fois de mieuxintégrer dans l’étude des partis le tournant interactionniste des recherches sur l’européanisation, etd’enrichir l’analyse en l’inscrivant dans des cadres théoriques depuis longtemps éprouvés pour étudier lespartis et la compétition politique. L’européanisation de la compétition électorale en France, en Allemagneet au Royaume-Uni entre 1986 et 2009 est étudiée au prisme des opportunités et des contraintes découlantde l’intégration, puis des réponses apportées par les acteurs partisans à différents niveaux. Notre enquêtes’appuie pour cela sur l’analyse d’un vaste corpus de documents, de données et de littérature, notammentsur la couverture médiatique des questions européennes, les orientations européennes discernables dansl’opinion publique des trois pays, l’européanisation des politiques publiques, les discours tenus lors descongrès des partis sociaux-démocrates et les programmes électoraux des différents partis. Nous observonsune européanisation différenciée, mais significative, de la structure d’opportunités des partis. En raison desrésistances déployées par les acteurs partisans qui dominent la compétition inter- et intra-partisane, cettetendance n’affecte les dynamiques de compétition électorale qu’à la marge. / European Union to establish itself as a full-fledged political space whose prerogatives and interventionsbecome more and more palpable at the domestic level. This thesis explores the consequences of thisprocess on party competition. The questioning of the popular distinction between « direct » and« indirect » effects nourishes a reflection about the mechanisms by which parties are affected and leads usto conceptualize European integration as an alteration of parties’ environment and structure ofopportunities, through the europeanisation of public policies and the agenda-setting of new issues. Thisperspective allows both to better integrate in the study of parties the « interactionnist » turn of research oneuropeanisation and to enrich the analysis by anchoring it within ordinary frameworks of parties andelectoral competition. The europeanisation of party competition in France, Germany and the United-Kingdom between 1986 and 2009 is studied from the perspective of opportunities and constraintsgenerated by European integration and, then, from the perspective of partisan actors’ reponses at severallevels. Our inquiry relies on the analysis of a vast corpus of documents, data and literature, notably on themedia coverage of European issues, European orientations in the public opinion of the three countries,europeanization of public policies, discourses held at the congresses of social-democratic parties andelectoral manifestos of the different parties. We observe a differentiated, but significative, europeanisationof parties’ structure of opportunities. Due to the resistances of the actors who dominate inter- and intrapartycompetition, this tendency affects the dynamics of party competition only marginally.