O programa de transferencia de renda Bolsa Familia e um importante pilar da seguri- dade social brasileira, mas ha um senso comum de que as transferencias do programa incentivam casais beneficiarios a terem mais filhos. Utilizando base de dados do governo federal (Cadunico e Caixa) e valendo-se dos criterios de eligibilidade, prop6e-se uma ine- dita analise quase experimental para estudar os efeitos das transferencias nao condicionais (UCT) e das condicionais (CCT) sobre a fecundidade das beneficiarias entre os anos de 2011 a 2015, atraves de uma regressao descontinua fuzzy. Problemas de medida associa- dos a base (e.g.: manipulacao, arredondamento, atrito) sao remediados com a estimacao nao parametrica proposta por Gerard, Rokkanen & Rothe (2016), em que se determina limites superiores e inferiores aos efeitos de tratamento. Por um lado, nao ha evidencia de que o componente CCT afete a fecundidade das beneficiarias, mas por outro, o com- ponente mais flexivel do Bolsa Familia, o UCT, possivelmente reduziu a fecundidade das beneficiarias mais pobres, sobretudo no Nordeste. Tais resultados sao contraintuitivos em relacao a literatura te6rica ate entao, mas em linha com a grande maioria dos resultados encontrados em programas similares da America Latina. / The Brazilian cash transfer program Balsa Familia is a very, if not the most, important pil- lar of Brazil\'s welfare system. However, there is a common sense that the program\'s trans- fers incentive beneficiary couples to have more children. Using federal data (Cadunico and Caixa databases) and the eligibility rules for the program, I propose a quasi-experimental approach to verify both unconditional (UCT) and conditional transfers (CCT) on the beneficiaries\' fertility rates between 2011 and 2015, through a fuzzy regression disconti- nuity approach. Measure problems associated with the data (e.g.: manipulation, heaping, attriton), are solved using a non parametric estimation proposed by Gerard, Rokkanen & Rothe (2016), which determines lower and upper bounds for treatment effects. On one hand, there is no evidence that the CCT component affects the beneficiaries\' fertility rates, but on another, the more flexible component of Bolsa Familia, UCT, possibly reduced the fertility rates for the most poor. Those results are counter intuitive with the theoretical literature so far, but in line with the majority of other studies analyzing similar transfer programs in Latin America.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:36:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas Arcanjo Cassini.pdf: 1043166 bytes, checksum: 2fc4d4cf4ab6ebf61b6f5e1df3bedf62 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-12-14 / Este trabalho tem como objeto a concepção de pobreza subjacente ao programa Bolsa Família nos dois governos Lula. Valendo-se de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, tem como objetivo principal verificar se, a partir de tal concepção, esse programa, no fundamental, constitui-se em medidas compensatórias ou se traz oportunidades efetivas de acesso à cidadania. Buscou-se verificar a hipótese segundo a qual a mencionada concepção de pobreza constitui-se em estratégia de conformação dos pobres à situação em que se encontram, ainda que o Bolsa Família traga-lhes melhorias mínimas no que tange a suas condições de vida. Embora esse programa represente, na atualidade brasileira, o principal componente da proteção social, pôde-se chegar às seguintes conclusões: na implementação do Bolsa Família, desconsidera-se a positividade concreta dos pobres estes são pensados apenas com base no que lhes falta; a pobreza não é tomada enquanto fenômeno multifacetado, utilizando-se unicamente o critério de rendimento monetário para definir quem se encontra nessa condição social; esse critério monetário é muito estreito, deixando-se, pois, de atender a inúmeras famílias pobres; o programa em questão não oportuniza a autonomia das famílias atendidas e não afeta de maneira essencial as relações sociais vigentes na sociedade brasileira relações marcadas por extremas desigualdades , não contribuindo, assim, para que entre os pobres construam-se condições para o exercício de uma cidadania protagonista / This work examines the conception of poverty underlying the Brazil s Family Allowance Program [Programa Bolsa Família] during the two mandates of President Luis Inácio Lula da Silva. Supported on a bibliographical and documentary research, its main purpose is to verify whether that program, based on such a conception, is essentially made up of compensatory arrangements or whether it provides real opportunities of access to citizenship. It was intended to evaluate the hypothesis according to which that conception of poverty constitutes a strategy to lead the poor people to conform with their own situation, even though the Family Allowance Program provides some small improvements in their life conditions. Although that program is currently the main component of the Brazilian social protection system, this work s main conclusions are as follows: in the Family Allowance Program s accomplishment, the concrete positiveness of the poor people is not considered only their lacks are taken into account; poverty is not conceived as a multifaceted phenomenon, for only monetary income criterion is used to define who is in such a social condition; as that criterion is too narrow, the program does not assist many poor families; for the program at issue does not promote the autonomy of the assisted families and does not affect, in a essential way, the social relationships prevailing in the Brazilian society relations marked by extreme inequalities , it does not help poor to build conditions for the exercise of a protagonist citizenship

O programa de transferencia de renda Bolsa Familia e um importante pilar da seguri- dade social brasileira, mas ha um senso comum de que as transferencias do programa incentivam casais beneficiarios a terem mais filhos. Utilizando base de dados do governo federal (Cadunico e Caixa) e valendo-se dos criterios de eligibilidade, prop6e-se uma ine- dita analise quase experimental para estudar os efeitos das transferencias nao condicionais (UCT) e das condicionais (CCT) sobre a fecundidade das beneficiarias entre os anos de 2011 a 2015, atraves de uma regressao descontinua fuzzy. Problemas de medida associa- dos a base (e.g.: manipulacao, arredondamento, atrito) sao remediados com a estimacao nao parametrica proposta por Gerard, Rokkanen & Rothe (2016), em que se determina limites superiores e inferiores aos efeitos de tratamento. Por um lado, nao ha evidencia de que o componente CCT afete a fecundidade das beneficiarias, mas por outro, o com- ponente mais flexivel do Bolsa Familia, o UCT, possivelmente reduziu a fecundidade das beneficiarias mais pobres, sobretudo no Nordeste. Tais resultados sao contraintuitivos em relacao a literatura te6rica ate entao, mas em linha com a grande maioria dos resultados encontrados em programas similares da America Latina. / The Brazilian cash transfer program Balsa Familia is a very, if not the most, important pil- lar of Brazil\'s welfare system. However, there is a common sense that the program\'s trans- fers incentive beneficiary couples to have more children. Using federal data (Cadunico and Caixa databases) and the eligibility rules for the program, I propose a quasi-experimental approach to verify both unconditional (UCT) and conditional transfers (CCT) on the beneficiaries\' fertility rates between 2011 and 2015, through a fuzzy regression disconti- nuity approach. Measure problems associated with the data (e.g.: manipulation, heaping, attriton), are solved using a non parametric estimation proposed by Gerard, Rokkanen & Rothe (2016), which determines lower and upper bounds for treatment effects. On one hand, there is no evidence that the CCT component affects the beneficiaries\' fertility rates, but on another, the more flexible component of Bolsa Familia, UCT, possibly reduced the fertility rates for the most poor. Those results are counter intuitive with the theoretical literature so far, but in line with the majority of other studies analyzing similar transfer programs in Latin America.

Submitted by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2013-10-22T16:24:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ana_melgarejo.pdf: 659278 bytes, checksum: 0f62e9a6364d128237234d74a8851c97 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2013-10-22T16:33:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ana_melgarejo.pdf: 659278 bytes, checksum: 0f62e9a6364d128237234d74a8851c97 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2013-10-22T16:33:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ana_melgarejo.pdf: 659278 bytes, checksum: 0f62e9a6364d128237234d74a8851c97 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-22T16:33:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ana_melgarejo.pdf: 659278 bytes, checksum: 0f62e9a6364d128237234d74a8851c97 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Os programas sociais do governo se inserem em um novo contexto teórico e político, com a mudança do foco assistencialista para uma visão mais científica e com o devido comprometimento político, inclusive realçado no Planejamento Plurianual Avança Brasil 2000/2003, que prevê ações integradas e um orçamento próprio para os programas sociais. Ao mesmo tempo, vive-se no Brasil a mudança de uma administração pública burocrática para uma administração por resultados, que tem como uma das principais dificuldades a implementação da gestão propriamente dita e do controle, considerando-se os aspectos culturais até então vigentes. Nessa conjuntura, avaliar um programa social requer contextualizá-lo na perspectiva da administração por resultados, considerando-o em relação aos próprios princípios e aos daquela. O objetivo deste trabalho é avaliar a eficiência do controle do Programa Bolsa Família, na perspectiva de cumprimento de sua proposta e da gestão por resultados. O estudo de caso foi feito por meio de uma pesquisa documental, e os resultados demonstraram falhas no referido controle. / The government's social programs fall into a new theoretical and political context, with the change in the focus welfare to a more scientific and the political commitment because, even highlighted in the Advance Brazil 2000/2003 Multi-Year Plan, which provides an integrated actions and own budget for social programs. At the same time, lives in Brazil to change a bureaucratic public administration to a management by results, which is a major obstacle to implementing the actual management and control, considering the cultural aspects hitherto existing. At this juncture, to evaluate a social program requires contextualize it in the perspective of management by results, considering it in relation to their own principles and that. The objective of this study is to evaluate the efficiency of control of the Bolsa Familia, in view of compliance with its proposal and managing for results. The case study was done by means of documentary research, and the results showed that failures in control.

The first two chapters examine the party's policy towards the wage-stop and the poverty trap. Until 1963 the party ignored the wage-stop but from then until 1975 a section of the party campaigned against the regulation expressing moral revulsion and concern about its administration but only rarely opposition to the principle. A Labour government removed the stop when its operation affected only a tiny minority of families. The party was quickly involved in the development of the poverty trap debate being particularly drawn to its disincentive characteristics, but Labour governments, like their Conservative counterparts, soon came to regard the idea as a mere statistical abstraction. After confirming the party's historical ambivalence about Family Allowances the thesis demonstrated that whenever it advocated allowances it did so because it believed the programme would alleviate family poverty rather than augment work incentives. However Labour governments consistently upheld the principle of substitutability, thus conferring de facto support on that less-eligibility dimension of Family Allowances which Macnicol has established informed the coalition government's decision to legislate for the programme in 1945. Despite the party's opposition to Family Income Supplement it became an important element in the Labour government's anti-poverty strategy after the Child Benefits debate in 1976. F.I.S. was criticised because of its contribution to the poverty trap and its potential for assisting in the pauperisation of the low paid, while Child Benefit was supported because it appeared to be a more equitable technique of delivering support to families with dependent children although some in the party were sensitive to the scheme's potential link with improved work incentives. In general, the Labour Party is seen to have failed to develop any coherent and sustained alternative to the ideas and programmes of its political opponents in this critical area of social policy.

The first two chapters examine the party's policy towards the wage-stop and the poverty trap. Until 1963 the party ignored the wage-stop but from then until 1975 a section of the party campaigned against the regulation expressing moral revulsion and concern about its administration but only rarely opposition to the principle. A Labour government removed the stop when its operation affected only a tiny minority of families. The party was quickly involved in the development of the poverty trap debate being particularly drawn to its disincentive characteristics, but Labour governments, like their Conservative counterparts, soon came to regard the idea as a mere statistical abstraction. After confirming the party's historical ambivalence about Family Allowances the thesis demonstrated that whenever it advocated allowances it did so because it believed the programme would alleviate family poverty rather than augment work incentives. However Labour governments consistently upheld the principle of substitutability, thus conferring de facto support on that less-eligibility dimension of Family Allowances which Macnicol has established informed the coalition government's decision to legislate for the programme in 1945. Despite the party's opposition to Family Income Supplement it became an important element in the Labour government's anti-poverty strategy after the Child Benefits debate in 1976. F.I.S. was criticised because of its contribution to the poverty trap and its potential for assisting in the pauperisation of the low paid, while Child Benefit was supported because it appeared to be a more equitable technique of delivering support to families with dependent children although some in the party were sensitive to the scheme's potential link with improved work incentives. In general, the Labour Party is seen to have failed to develop any coherent and sustained alternative to the ideas and programmes of its political opponents in this critical area of social policy.

Este trabalho procurou encontrar a hipótese correntemente veiculada de um modelo ou mesmo de políticas soltas keynesianas, durante as duas administrações presidenciais de Lula (2003-2010). O estudo observa que, embora adotando políticas sociais novas e includentes que podem conduzir a um Estado de Bem Estar Social, os governos de Lula utilizaram políticas keynesianas apenas de forma tática, para aliviar os defeitos do modelo neoliberal, no auge da crise (2008-2009). Os governos de Lula na visão desta pesquisa se caracterizaram por políticas de curto prazo imediatistas e conciliatórias, que ao contrário dos modelos keynesianos, não priorizaram o emprego e a elevação de renda dos trabalhadores. / This study sought to find a commonly circulated hypothesis of a model or even loose Keynesian policies during the two presidential administrations of Lula (2003-2010). The study notes that while adopting new and inclusive social policies that can lead to a state of Social Welfare, the governments of Lula used Keynesian policies only tactically, to alleviate the shortcomings of the neoliberal model, the height of the crisis (2008 - 2009). The governments of Lula - the vision of this research - were characterized by short-term policies immediacy and conciliatory, which unlike the Keynesian models, not prioritized employment and increased income workers.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edna Luiza Nobre.pdf: 1871220 bytes, checksum: 0c0275dc6039051af84706e5f2195f72 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-19 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / The object of this dissertation is the study of public welfare as an instrument of social inclusion, from its two major programs: Continuing Benefit and Family Grant Program. Social assistance is a fundamental right integral to the social system of social security. Submits to the constitutional principles and has specific characteristics. The legal relationship of public welfare includes users of the system,the supplier and the object of this relationship. Demonstrate, based on statistics from official bodies, there were social inclusion, and that these policies contribute to reducing social inequality and the eradication of poverty and social marginalization. / O objeto desta dissertação é o estudo da assistência social pública como instrumento de inclusão social, a partir de seus dois grandes programas: Benefício de Prestação Continuada e o Programa do Bolsa Família. A assistência social é direito fundamental social integrante do sistema da seguridade social. Submete-se aos seus princípios constitucionais e tem especificidades próprias. A relação jurídica da assistência social pública engloba os usuários do sistema, o fornecedor e o objeto dessa relação. Demonstraremos, a partir de estatísticas de órgãos oficiais,que houve a inclusão social e que, essas políticas públicas contribuíram para diminuir a desigualdade social e a erradicação da pobreza e da marginalidade social.

Este trabalho procurou encontrar a hipótese correntemente veiculada de um modelo ou mesmo de políticas soltas keynesianas, durante as duas administrações presidenciais de Lula (2003-2010). O estudo observa que, embora adotando políticas sociais novas e includentes que podem conduzir a um Estado de Bem Estar Social, os governos de Lula utilizaram políticas keynesianas apenas de forma tática, para aliviar os defeitos do modelo neoliberal, no auge da crise (2008-2009). Os governos de Lula na visão desta pesquisa se caracterizaram por políticas de curto prazo imediatistas e conciliatórias, que ao contrário dos modelos keynesianos, não priorizaram o emprego e a elevação de renda dos trabalhadores. / This study sought to find a commonly circulated hypothesis of a model or even loose Keynesian policies during the two presidential administrations of Lula (2003-2010). The study notes that while adopting new and inclusive social policies that can lead to a state of Social Welfare, the governments of Lula used Keynesian policies only tactically, to alleviate the shortcomings of the neoliberal model, the height of the crisis (2008 - 2009). The governments of Lula - the vision of this research - were characterized by short-term policies immediacy and conciliatory, which unlike the Keynesian models, not prioritized employment and increased income workers.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LAURA MARIA DARQUES FERREIRA.pdf: 995605 bytes, checksum: 255cdf3519595a632f5bc36895664967 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-13 / In the present study we advocate that the Bolsa Família Program must be understood as a state policy, as it is a public policy essential to the efficacy of social rights. In being a state policy of Social Rights the Bolsa Família Program is implicitly constitutionalized, or the Constitutionalists advocates, integrates the material constitution . Social rights acquired constitutional status with the 1988 Constitution, and their positive nature, require public policies to effect them. / Na presente pesquisa, defende-se que o Programa Bolsa Família deve ser entendido como uma política de Estado, visto ser uma política pública assistencial imprescindível à efetivação dos direitos sociais. Como política de governo, transforma-se em instrumento de direcionamento de votos, estigmatização de indivíduos e enfraquecimento da democracia (revitalização do voto de cabresto). Por ser uma política de Estado efetivadora de direitos sociais, entende-se que o Programa Bolsa Família está, implicitamente,constitucionalizado; ou, como afirmam os constitucionalistas, integra a chamada constituição material. Os direitos sociais adquiriram status constitucional devido à Constituição de 1988 e, por ostentarem natureza prestacional, impõem que as políticas públicas que lhes efetivem também possuam essa guarida constitucional.