The aim of this paper is to describe, visualise- and analyse media’s discursive representations of female politicians in Swedish printed media. The focus of the analysis is to show if, and how these images can be understood and interpreted in terms of a socially constructed gender stereotyped suborder. The paper takes it's theoretical and methodological departure in the discourse analysis, which is combined with feminist political theory. Feminist political theory is concretised in the use of what Yvonne Hirdman calls the "gender system" which arranges the sexes into their respective genders and is based upon two rules/principles/logics: 1) the rule of distinctive separation, and 2) the male norm. Closely related to the aim of the paper lies also the critical theoretic assumption that people has to be aware of their own part in the production and reproduction of the discourse in order to change make a change. Language is perceived as intimately tied to power in that language defines and gives the reality meaning. Media is therefore, by it's presence in all Swedish homes perceived as channel for the exercise of power through it's discourse. Drawing on 20 articles from different newspapers and magazines, the results of this paper shows, through the use of discourse analysis, that female politicians are portrayed as politicians and women. The analysis concludes that media's image of the female politician rests on gender stereotypes which as a consequent reduces the female politician to her biological gender and therefore gives her, in comparison with her male counterpart a lower hierarchic position.

As a starting point the society is more enlightened and has gained a greater awareness about the gender power structures and its different forms. Present research shows the continuous development into other shapes and comes into different expressions that might be unrecognised. In order to gain knowledge about the present structure of the gender power structure system, the aim of this study was to investigate framing of female and male politicians in media. The main question asked was: “are there framing differences in the portraits of the male and female politicians?” In order to achieve results articles in the biggest Swedish daily newspaper were examined. The method used was a mixed qualitative/quantitative content analysis where theory linked questions were created in order to ask these directly to the text. The results of the study showed that the framings of female versus male politicians were based on traditional gender power structures, though not to the extent the theory claims. More importantly, the result showed that the marginalization of female politicians was made by inclusion and exploiting instead of exclusion. In this way the differences between the genders were shown.

Entre 1945 et 1967, le Canada accueille une des plus importantes vagues d’immigration de son histoire : presque trois millions d'immigrants. À la même époque,la vie des femmes est souvent représentée comme immuable, jusqu'à leur éveil soudain à la fin des années1960. Il est pourtant difficile de croire qu'elles n'accordent aucune attention à l’arrivée de milliers d'immigrants chaque année. Leur vécu entre 1945 et 1967 est beaucoup plus complexe et nuancé que les représentations de leur apolitisme et de leurs préoccupations maternelles ne le laissent supposer.Cette thèse étudie le rôle de femmes – immigrantes,politiques, salariées, femmes au foyer, membres d'associations et de groupes minoritaires – dans l'évolution des politiques d'immigration entre 1945 et1967. Ces politiques offrent la possibilité de vérifier si,lorsqu'il s'agit d'un domaine considéré comme moins directement lié aux intérêts proprement dits des femmes, celles-ci s'y intéressent, trouvent des espaces pour en débattre, essaient de transmettre leurs avis aux décisionnaires et sont écoutées. Un engagement lié aux politiques d'immigration suggère un effort de la part des femmes pour sortir de la sphère privée, sphère assignée comme leur place principale et appropriée.Analyser le niveau d'implication des femmes dans les politiques d'immigration interroge les représentations et les assignations des femmes de l'époque ainsi que les tendances culturelles, les relations sociales et les jeux de pouvoir qui les produisent. Il permet d'autre part d’exposer les barrières érigées contre l'implication des femmes dans l'espace public politique et les discours qui les dirigent vers le foyer. / Between 1945 and 1967, Canada received one of the largest waves of immigrants in its history: nearly three million people. In contrast to this intense activity, the lives of women during that same period are often represented as being immutable – until their awakening in the late 1960s. It is difficult to imagine, however, that they paid little attention to the arrival of thousands of immigrants each year. In reality, the lived experience of women between 1945 and 1967 is much more complexand nuanced than the representations of their apoliticism and maternal essentialism suggest. This thesis studies the role of women - immigrants,politicians, professionals, housewives, members o fassociations and minority groups - in shaping immigration policy between 1945 and 1967. Examining a domain considered as being somewhat outside of' women's interests' offers the possibility of determining the true range of their interests, the spaces available to women for discussing and debating different issues and their means of conveying their views to decisionmakers.An engagement with immigration policy wouldsuggest an effort on their part to go beyond what isconsidered to be women's appropriate sphere.Analyzing the level of their involvement in immigration policy provides a method for interrogating the representations and socially assigned roles of women of the period as well as the social relations, power hierarchies and cultural tendencies that produce them.This analysis also promises to expose the barriers to women's involvement in the political public sphere and to deconstruct the discourses that circumscribe their actions.

The aim of this diploma thesis is an analysis of historical and political factors that participated in the foundation and development of feminist movements in Korea after 1980. The first chapter deals with the working conditions of women employed in textile factories and subsequently describes the protest actions of these women in the 1970s. Protests and collective actions grew into political activism, which created the first women's movements in the 1980s. The second chapter is devoted to their character and development. The following section deals with another important factor that has influenced the formation of the identity of feminist movements in Korea, women active in politics. Their struggle to change Family law in the 1990s united women's movements and strongly signed on their future direction.

Slovak Republic is a country where women are still underrepresented in the public life. Only recently, after the Parliamentary elections in June 2010, a woman became Prime Minister of Slovak Republic. Slovak and international media appreciated Slovakia for being a first country in central-eastern Europe to have a female leader of the country (Zsilleova 2010). This fact doesn`t change, that women are almost absent from high posts in Parliament, Government, public life, media or high managerial posts. Women in Slovakia still have a long way to the equality. This study focuses on the way female candidate for President Iveta Radičová is represented in the media during 2009 campaign. The research compares her coverage with male candidate`s coverage. The coverage of personal traits of candidates was gender biased and media mentioned female candidate`s gender very often, meanwhile they didn`t mention male candidates gender except in few occasions. However, there was no gender bias in the coverage of candidates` viability, the issues discussed, and the tone of coverage. Even thought male candidate was favored in amount and prominence of coverage, he was covered in more negative way, which can turn his advantage into disadvantage.

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This dissertation asserts that American political culture faces a crisis of virtue and explores the role of citizens, journalists and politicians in fostering it. The historic election of Barack Obama on a platform of hope and change in 2008 suggests that Americans yearn for an infusion of virtue into political life. I assert, however, that we have lacked a lexicon of political virtue, or any systematic understanding of which virtues we value and which matter most to us. Nor have we understood whether groups who constitute key elements of our democracy—citizens, journalists, politicians, men and women, Democrats and Republicans—value virtues in politics similarly or differently. Without a working knowledge of the anatomy of virtue in the body politic, what is to prevent us from having to change again? By charting the virtue systems of these key groups, I have made explicit what is implicit to reveal that political virtue is more valued—and more present—than Americans likely realize. This exploration, I believe, contributes to the scholarship of political communication by enabling a fuller and more useful understanding of American political culture—and of the contradictions, curiosities, and surprises that enrich it. / text