Esta dissertação trata da evolução do setor industrial brasileiro na Primeira Guerra Mundial e do seu desenvolvimento na década de 1920. A motivação deste trabalho foi a controvérsia existente acerca do tema, pois os principais trabalhos que tratam do assunto divergem a respeito dos efeitos da Guerra sobre o desenvolvimento industrial brasileiro, não existindo um consenso se esse choque externo iniciou um processo de substituição de importações. Partindo dessa motivação, o primeiro capítulo traz uma revisão dos principais autores que estudaram essa questão, evidenciando as diferentes interpretações existentes na historiografia. Além dessa análise, o capítulo também trata das diferenças da evolução industrial em São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. O segundo capítulo analisa os dados de produção, o comércio exterior e as informações presentes em mensagens oficiais da época, com o intuito de capturar os principais efeitos do conflito no setor industrial e na evolução do mesmo até a crise de 1929. Por fim, o último capítulo traz uma reflexão sobre as mudanças nas relações políticas com o ganho de importância da indústria na economia brasileira. Assim, o presente estudo permitiu observar um efeito positivo desse estrangulamento externo para a indústria nacional nas décadas de 1910 e 1920, com início de um processo de substituição de importações e aumento de importância do setor na economia e na política nacional. / This thesis covers the evolution of the Brazilian industrial sector in the First World War and its development in the 1920s. The motivation for this work is the controversy about this issue, because many works that deals with the subject diverge about the effects of war on the Brazilian industrial development, without a consensus whether this external shock started an import substitution process. From this motivation, the first chapter brings a review of the main authors, who have studied this question, showing the different interpretations in history. In this analysis, the chapter also deals with the differences in industrial development in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The second chapter, analyze the industrial production, foreign trade and the information contained in official message of that time, in order to capture the main effects of the conflict in the industrial sector and the evolution of the sector up to 1929. Finally, the last chapter brings a reflection on the changes in political relations because of the importance gained by the industrial sector to the Brazilian economy. Thus, from the results of Chapters 2 and 3, we have a positive effect of the external strangling in the domestic industry later on the 1910s and 1920s, with the beginning of an import substitution and the increased importance of the industrial sector to the economic and national policy.

Massage was professionalised in Britain in 1895 by the Society of Trained Masseuses (STM), a small group of nurses and midwives mainly concerned with giving general massage to neurasthenic women. By the end of the First World War the massage profession had been transformed - a key participant in the rehabilitation of the nation’s wounded soldiers; publically, medically and politically acclaimed; and a specialism fully embryonic of physiotherapy. This thesis examines the professionalisation of massage from c.1880-1920. It argues that in order to fully understand the development of the profession in this period we have to move away from institutional teleologies, linear narratives of ‘medical control’ and embrace the myriad of socio-cultural, economic, political and professional forces driving and shaping this process. To explore these wider forces this thesis looks beyond internal institutional dynamics and examines a number of locations where massage was practised. Beginning with an examination of how massage was translated from a traditionally lay-treatment into the language of medical orthodoxy, this thesis considers its adoption into British medicine, its development as a practice and a profession, and its entry into the First World War. Fiercely contested both medically and ethically throughout the period, the practice of massage offers a new lens through which to examine the complex socio-cultural and professional negotiations shaping the course of professionalisation. This thesis argues that debates about massage, gender and intimacy were intricately woven into the formulation of professional boundaries, conditioning the relationship between patient and masseuse as well as the masseuse and medical practitioner. Focus on practice also yields insights into broader socio-economic and political concerns about disability, productivity and military efficiency. It situates the evolution of massage, practically and professionally, as part of the wider development of rehabilitation within society and medicine during this period. By contextualising the early professionalisation of massage in this way, this thesis offers new perspectives on the complex interplay between the development of physiotherapy, society and medicine.

The dissertation examines Argentine immigration policy in 1852- 1914. It focuses on the immigration process itself, the attitude of the Argentine political cliques and population, the minority groups, the influence of immigration on the development of Argentina in the mentioned period, the living conditions of immigrants and the process of their acclimatisation. For a better understanding of the chosen topic, the work was divided into two parts, followed by individual chapters. As a result of the research of published and unpublished sources, professional literature and articles, historical publications and other available sources, the importance of European immigration to the country's economic development, modernisation, demographic and culture was confirmed. Although the immigration process was also linked to negative aspects, such as the disappearance of the indigenous population, social inequality and the significant influence of European societies on the domestic economy, the population growth, the integration of immigrants into the primary and secondary economic sectors and political consolidation made Argentina one of the world's fastest-growing economies.

During the First World War, ideas of duty and sacrifice were a dominant characteristic of public discourse in New Zealand. Specifically, concern centred on a perceived inequality of sacrifice, which saw brave soldiers die on the front lines, whilst other men remained on the home front, apparently avoiding duty. This thesis charts the prevailing and powerful ideas that circulated during wartime New Zealand around these two stereotypes; on the one hand there was the soldier, the ideal of service and duty; on the other, the conscientious objector, a target for the derogatory label of 'shirker'. While there are a few select critical works which examine the experiences of New Zealand World War One conscientious objectors, such We Will Not Cease (1939) and Armageddon or Calvary (1919), there is a near complete absence of studies which examine the home front and ask how conscientious objectors were perceived and consequently judged as they were. It is the contention of this thesis that ideas around the soldier and the 'shirker' were interrelated stereotypes and that both images emerged from the process of mass mobilisation; a highly organised war effort which was largely dependent for its success upon the cooperation of wider civilian society. In sum, the thesis examines and analyses the ideas within mainstream New Zealand society as they appeared in public sources (notably newspapers, cartoons and government publications), and in doing so, tracks how social mores and views towards duty, sacrifice and service were played out at a time of national and international crisis.

This dissertation examines how the paradoxical process takes place whereby women are both integrated and segregated within male-dominated sites of social action, here in the Swedish labor market, national economy and military during the First World War. The potential of the First World War to change the societal gender distribution of labor in Sweden is limited by the fact that Sweden was not a belligerent state, and that the mobilization of men thus was limited. It is in social planning activity, and in the general state of preparedness for war and crisis, that this study has sought to analyze contemporaneous understandings of womens’ "tasks" in times of war and crisis. Earlier research has shown that women can be integrated in several different ways which can reproduce the gender order. This order can be re-created either in that women and men gain access to different "arenas" on different conditions, or in that women and men gain access to the same arena on different conditions (to mens’ advantage). From a gender-theoretical perspective, re-segregative integration is analyzed both at the level of conceptions and of practices. The study consists of three studies, regarding the domains of the labor market, the national economy (or economizing activity), and the military. The concept of the (social) task is used to capture those activities which voluntary organizations, the state, and/or womens’ organizations offered or enjoined/assigned to women in times of war and crisis. Women were offered tasks in e.g. the military medical service and in war veterinary care services, within so-called "time expense economizing" activities organized for the economy’s household sector, and with sewing articles of uniform clothing for older reserve troops (the landstormen). In addition, plans were laid up (although never carried out in practice) whereby women in wartime could be called upon to fill the "gaps" in the labor market left by men mobilized into the armed forces. In the domain of the labor market, womens’ integration was envisioned as taking place within an "extraordinary arena" on other conditions than those applying to men. Womens’ tasks were related to mens’ peacetime tasks, then being called "replacement work"; in relation to mens’ military service, placed into a context of "civil preparedness". In the domain of the national economy (or economizing activity), within the state National Economizing Commission, women were also integrated into a “special arena” on other conditions than those applying to men. Women were recruited into "womens’ administrations", or as the "only woman" to otherwise completely male-dominated administrations, and their tasks were limited to dealing with "the private households". In the domain of the military, women were still integrated into a "special arena" auxiliary to a male regular arena. Tasks were constituted as voluntary, were offered by voluntary organizations, and were focused on the provision of care services. In all these societal domains, a qualitative difference was created between what men did and what women did, or were envisioned to do. Womens’ tasks were constituted as feminized tasks. The tasks were however designed in a way which both challenged and confirmed more traditional conceptions of the "male defender", the "male provider", and the "masculine state and public sphere". One can reason here in terms of the gender order’s having been maintained, despite integration. In theory or in practice, this was done by tasks being recontextualized, whereby the existing order was maintained. By placing womens’ tasks into another context, order was secured, enabling the claim that "nothing has really happened". This could be expressed by saying that, when the gender order is threatened, a type of "assisting logic" intervened which placed threatening phenomena into a new context: the consequence of this was that tasks which women did, or were to do, became diminished.

This is a study of six women who lived in Britain during the early twentieth century. A mother and five daughters, they immigrated to Britain from Russia in 1909, and their letters provide a window into the lives of women during times of great strain and changes. The daughters attended school in Britain and expected to live a comfortable upper-class lifestyle funded by their family’s business in Russia. However, World War I and the February and October Revolutions in Russia made that future impossible. Instead the women became both military and civilian nurses, adopting professional careers and remaining unmarried. Their letters allow one to examine issues ranging from the cultural identities of émigrés and exiles to the effects of gender roles on life choices. This paper serves as a case study of their family, examining how larger political, social, and cultural events affected the practical and emotional facets of their lives. / text

Ma recherche vise, d’une part, à appréhender le phénomène de la publication des correspondances des « poilus » (les soldats français de la Première Guerre mondiale) et d’autre part, à déterminer leur rôle dans la mémoire collective de la Grande Guerre. Précédé d’un bilan historiographique, mon travail se divise en trois chapitres autour de trois thèmes principaux, la correspondance, l’édition et la mémoire. Le premier chapitre met en contexte la production des lettres et identifie les facteurs l’influençant. Le deuxième chapitre se penche sur les buts éditoriaux des publications de correspondances et sur leur transformation au fil des époques. Finalement, le dernier chapitre analyse la place de ces publications dans le cadre de la commémoration de la Grande Guerre. La recherche va au-delà de l’analyse des lettres et s’intéresse davantage aux desseins éditoriaux des recueils. Les sources utilisées sont des ouvrages collectifs publiant des lettres de poilus, édités entre 1922 (La dernière lettre) et 2006 (Paroles de Verdun). / My research aims to address the phenomenon of the publication of the “poilus” correspondences (French soldiers of the First World War) and to determine their role in the collective memory of the Great War. Preceded by a historiographic review, my work is divided into three chapters around three main themes, correspondences, publishing and memory. The first chapter puts into context the production of letters and identifies the factors influencing it. The second chapter considers the leading goals of publishing correspondences and their transformation over time. Finally, the last chapter analyzes the need for these publications for commemoration of the Great War. Research goes beyond the analysis of letters and focuses on the leading intentions of the editions. The sources used are anthologies of the “poilus” letters, published between 1922 (La dernière lettre) and 2006 (Paroles de Verdun).

This thesis is concerned with the introduction and development of western psychology in New Zealand during the period 1869 – 1929. The foundations of psychology coincided with the early foundations of the country and the building of the first university colleges. The evolving colonial university system provided opportunity but also institutional limitations on the development of the subject. Sir Thomas Hunter introduced experimental psychology and established the first psychology laboratory in 1907 at Victoria College. Hunter was supported in this by his American based mentor, Edward B. Titchener. Hunter played an important role in campaigning for university reform and worked tirelessly to promote both the study and application of psychology. This thesis argues that historic global and local events were crucial to the development and advancement of psychology in New Zealand. World War 1 ended in 1918 and was followed by a deadly flu epidemic. These events led to new theories and developments in psychology, many of which were imported to New Zealand and adapted to suit local needs. Local changes in approaches to health care and social management opened opportunities for a professional role in psychology. Throughout the 1920’s psychologists expanded their field of influence and began to develop applications for psychological knowledge. By 1929, psychology had become firmly established as a discipline worthy of individual attention. New Zealand had not yet begun to produce significant psychological research but provided a unique host society in which, in the space of sixty years, the study of psychology was introduced and developed and largely kept pace with international advances.

This is a history of returned soldiers of the Great War in Toronto covering the period from when they began returning home in 1915 through to the end of demobilization in late 1919. Based largely in newspaper research, the focus is the discourse of returned men, as they were frequently called, and the role they played in Toronto and in Canada more broadly. The dissertation examines veterans' attitudes, the opinions they expressed, the goals they collectively pursued, the actions they took and their significance as actors and symbols in the public sphere. The study shows that during and immediately after the war returned soldiers played a prominent role in public debate over conscription and wartime politics, the status of non-British immigrants in Canada, the Red Scare and re-establishment policy. In exploring these topics the study elaborates on the identities veterans collectively adopted and constructed for themselves as comrades and citizens. Class, definitions of masculinity, British-Canadian ethno-nationality and experience as soldiers all affected formulations of veteran citizenship and comradeship. Returned soldiers' representations of their citizenship resonated powerfully in Canadian society. The experiences and symbolism of returned soldiers generated interest in civilian society that granted them easy access to the public sphere and encouraged pro-war politicians to use returnees to promote the war effort. Veterans took advantage of their access to the press and public stages to broadcast their own views and claim that their service gave them special rights to intervene in public affairs. Comradeship was vitally important to returned soldiers and set them apart from civilians, but it was neither a simple nor stable category. Veterans' debates and the history of veterans' associations testify to the fact that collective service in the war did not erase civilian identities and create a stable platform for united collective activism after the war. Furthermore, comradeship sometimes existed uneasily with the rights and responsibilities of citizenship. Parliamentary methods were fundamental to veterans' activism, but their politics were also performative, often pursued and proclaimed at street level, and a minority of veterans threatened and engaged in violence they claimed was justified.

This is a history of returned soldiers of the Great War in Toronto covering the period from when they began returning home in 1915 through to the end of demobilization in late 1919. Based largely in newspaper research, the focus is the discourse of returned men, as they were frequently called, and the role they played in Toronto and in Canada more broadly. The dissertation examines veterans' attitudes, the opinions they expressed, the goals they collectively pursued, the actions they took and their significance as actors and symbols in the public sphere. The study shows that during and immediately after the war returned soldiers played a prominent role in public debate over conscription and wartime politics, the status of non-British immigrants in Canada, the Red Scare and re-establishment policy. In exploring these topics the study elaborates on the identities veterans collectively adopted and constructed for themselves as comrades and citizens. Class, definitions of masculinity, British-Canadian ethno-nationality and experience as soldiers all affected formulations of veteran citizenship and comradeship. Returned soldiers' representations of their citizenship resonated powerfully in Canadian society. The experiences and symbolism of returned soldiers generated interest in civilian society that granted them easy access to the public sphere and encouraged pro-war politicians to use returnees to promote the war effort. Veterans took advantage of their access to the press and public stages to broadcast their own views and claim that their service gave them special rights to intervene in public affairs. Comradeship was vitally important to returned soldiers and set them apart from civilians, but it was neither a simple nor stable category. Veterans' debates and the history of veterans' associations testify to the fact that collective service in the war did not erase civilian identities and create a stable platform for united collective activism after the war. Furthermore, comradeship sometimes existed uneasily with the rights and responsibilities of citizenship. Parliamentary methods were fundamental to veterans' activism, but their politics were also performative, often pursued and proclaimed at street level, and a minority of veterans threatened and engaged in violence they claimed was justified.