This thesis aims to describe how the attitude of the Swedish Riksdag towards Russia has changed during the post-Cold War era. Describing the change in attitude is done by using Alexander Wentd's Social theory of international relations, and the constructivist idea of external shocks influencing state behaviour. More specifically, the thesis examines, (1) what external shocks/events that can be found during the post-Cold-War-era? and (2) In what way and/or direction have these events caused a shift in culture? This study uses a qualitative approach to conduct a single case study in order to explain the Sweden-Russia relationship. By looking at protocols from the Swedish Riksdag, the opinions of the politicians can be established, which ultimately is where the attitude of Russia is formed. The study shows that the relationship has, indeed, changed. Through events like the Chechnya, Georgian and Syrian war, the appointment of president Vladimir Putin, the 9/11 attacks and the Ukraine crisis, the Swedish attitude towards Russia has has experienced a change for the worse. The relationship has shifted from being based on friendship, to be based on rivalry.

This thesis deals with the geopolitics of the Japanese Empire in the process of economic globalization. The primary objective is to evaluate the characteristics and changes of Japanese geopolitics in the context of a globalized and changing world and to outline it's perspective orientation and new challenges. The thesis tries to answer these fundamental questions. How the geopolitical thinking and direction of Japan had developed in the postwar period in the context of a changing geopolitical architecture of the system? What challenges or conflicts did Japan have been through and how it reacts to changes in the present system? How the post-war changes and the end of the Cold War had reflected in the participation and position of Japan in the international economic system under conditions of intensifying globalization? The thesis is divided into several parts. At the beginning, there is a short summary of geopolitical theories and definitions of key concepts. The following chapters are analytical, dealing with the description of the development of Japanese domestic and foreign policy, as well as relationships to key countries, first in the political, economic level subsequently. Final part is followed by a practical grasp of lessons learned and showing them on specific examples. Keywords:...

The purpose of this research project is to analyse the opportunities and challenges that the foreign and security policy research institutes face in transnational cooperation across wider Europe. By specifically examining the capacities of non- and quasi-governmental actors to operate and cooperate at transnational level, the research informs the choices presented by the ongoing restructuring of the foreign and security policy sphere. The increasing deterritorialisation of foreign and security policy issues calls for transnational or multinational approaches to resolve them. As nation states fall short of the appropriate capacities, it is of interest to investigate how non- and quasi-governmental actors can contribute to transnational interaction. Therefore, their tools and capacities to operate and cooperate in the transnational sphere need to be established in the first place. In this context a broader geographical focus is chosen in order to study a more differentiated situation, instead of the already relatively integrated case of the European Union. The thesis first studies cooperation among research institutes in broader terms under consideration of their socio-political environment. It outlines differences in their organic development dependent on the geographic affiliation of the institutes, and identifies their tools as well as several defining characteristics. This is followed by an analysis of the fieldwork, discussing processes, opportunities and challenges in transnational cooperation as perceived by staff in research institutes. Subsequently, the thesis takes a more detailed look at applied cooperation among research institutes. Here it traces patterns and formats of interaction, and then delves into a case study on project- based cooperation that provides functional insights regarding research institutes cooperation across borders. In studying cooperation among research institutes from various perspectives, the research enables to investigate the integration among the different narratives. The study integrates a range of issues and concepts in an original manner, therefore it contributes to several significant debates. On the face of it, the thesis adds to the identification of a role for non- and quasi-governmental actors in an increasingly deterritorialised foreign and security policy sphere, using the example of research institutes. To address this aspect, the study considers both the broader implications of socio-political and economic interrelations for cooperation, as well as the detailed functional level of interaction. Moreover, based on the choice of geographical focus, the research project contributes to the literature on EU-Russia relations. Herein it adds to the extant literature by offering a perspective which acknowledges the implications of high politics but emphasises the role of non- and quasi-governmental actors. Beyond that, the thesis contributes to the theoretical debate on foreign and security policy in choosing a non-traditional approach to examine a non-traditional issue. Post-structuralism serves to facilitate a critical review of the construction of cooperation among Russian and EU-based public policy research institutes.

<p>This study focus on decision makers in Swedish foreign and security politics with a special focus on two national crises. The crises that have been chosen for this study are the submarine U17 crisis and the shipwreck of the passenger ferry Estonia. The first crisis occurred in the fall of 1981 when the Swedish government accused the Soviet for violating Swedish territory with a Soviet submarine. The second crisis occurred in the fall of 1994 when Estonia, with over 900 people, ended up in a storm and the result of the shipwreck was that only 137 people were rescued.</p><p>The aims of the study are to analysis the Swedish crises preparedness and in the future develop and make it more effective. The thesis employs the following research questions to answer the purpose:</p><p>- How did the actors that were responsibility for the Swedish crises preparedness act when they found out about U137 and the shipwreck of Estonia to bother the best outcome?</p><p>- How did the final results of the crises preparedness in U137 and shipwreck of Estonia actually came out?</p><p>The method of the study is a type of an appraisal method that explains how you could evaluate a political decision. The results that I found in points that it is necessary to do more research in the subject area. None of the crises were handled very effective in crises preparedness way and in the future more coordination and collaboration with different public authority and private organisations is needed to meet the threat and the obstacles that a society today stands in front of.</p>

Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai. / The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]

The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text] / Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.

This study investigates the Finnish government members’ argumentation prior to Finland’s strikingly unanimous parliamentary vote in favour of NATO membership on May 17, 2022. By focusing on the government representatives’ accounts, the study aims to shed light on how the NATO membership decision is crafted to represent Finland’s security interest after a decades-long tradition of military non-alignment as a cornerstone of the country’s securityand foreign policy. With help of Merlijn van Hulst and Dvora Yanow’s dynamic approach to framing based on the theoretical concept of frames as actors’ “definitions of the situation”, the study shows comprehensively the processes at play when the government members constructa NATO membership as Finland’s security interest. Furthermore, the approach reveals patterns among the representatives of how the different framings are embraced. For example, the study shows that the representatives’ framings are the most united when it comes to the view of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as a violation of the rule-based order and the view of a NATO membership as a deterrent preventing future military attacks rather than as a solution to any immediate threat. While the dynamic approach to framing shows comprehensively the work framing does in constructing a NATO membership as Finland’s security interest, the approach has some shortcomings that future research should deal with to increase the potential of the approach in War Studies research.

<p>Det som undersökningen beskriver är hur EU:s säkerhetsstrategi påverkade de utrikespolitiska målen inför militära insatser i Demokratiska Republiken Kongo 2006, Tchad/Centralafrikanska republiken 2008 och Somalia 2009.</p><p>Vår <em>utrikespolitiska vilja</em> och dess <em>utrikespolitiska mål</em> motiverar vårt deltagande i militära insatser utomlands. Dessa mål skall vara vägledande och skall genomsyra insatsens genomförande. Detta generade en problemställning i denna uppsats som lyder:</p><p>På vilket sätt har bakomliggande säkerhetspolitiska resonemang till EUs säkerhetsstrategi påverkat utformandet av de nationella svenska motiven till internationella insatser i de EU-ledda militära insatserna i Afrika 2006-2009? Kan incitament och motiv identifieras som inflytelser i propositioner från samma period?</p><p>Syftet var att undersöka målsättningarna i dokumentet <em>Ett</em> <em>säkert Europa i en bättre värld, en Europeisk säkerhetsstrategi (ESS)</em>, för att se hur dessa målsättningar påverkat de svenska propositionerna inför de EU-ledda insatserna.</p><p>Som metod användes en kvalitativ textanalys deduktivt, genom att analysera de utrikespolitiska målen med ett <em>analysverktyg </em>indelat i s<em>äkerhets-</em>, <em>välfärds-</em> och <em>idémål</em>.</p><p>Resultatet visade att EU:s övergripande säkerhetsstrategi genomsyrade våra motiv i propositionerna men att det fanns sammantaget en avsaknad av EU:s tydlighet med att vara aktiv, preventiv och handlingskraftig i propositionerna. För att få effekt i välfärdsmålsättningar anser EU att detta skall integreras med olika resurser och där även med civil och militär integrering. Denna integrering var inte fullt tydlig i undersökningens studerade propositioner.</p><p>Den främsta och prioriterade effekten var att tillgodose de mänskliga rättigheterna vilket gör att signaleffekten var hög både för EU och Sverige i insatserna, både regionalt och strategiskt.</p> / <p>This essay examines how The EU Security Strategy affected the objectives of Swedish foreign politics before launching military operations in The Democratic Republic of Congo 2006, Chad/Central African Republic 2008 and in Somalia 2009. The intentions and goals of foreign politics determine Governmental bills and the objectives for the military operations that are sent overseas. These objectives are to serve as guidelines for the realization of the operations.</p><p>This was the basis of the overall problem for my study which asks: How have security policies based on EU reasoning of Security Strategies affected the Swedish national motives for military operations commanded by the EU in Africa 2006-2009? Can they be identified and explained in the Governmental bills from the same era?</p><p>The document, <em>A secure Europe in a better world ­ European Security Strategy, </em>(2003) is used in the case study to identify the objectives and to compare how these have been implemented in the Swedish governmental bills before the initiation of the EU commanded military operations. This was achieved by using qualitative text analysis and a deductive method to analyse foreign policies with an analysis tool, divided into <em>security,</em> <em>welfare of the state</em> and <em>ideological objectives.</em></p><p>The outcome of the study identified that the motives for the Governmental bills were permeated by EU’s overall objectives. In the Governmental bills, it was identified that there was generally a lack of the sharpness that the EU policy stands for, regarding being active, preventive and resolute. In order to achieve more effectiveness in the <em>welfare of the state </em>objectives, the EU considers this objective ought to be integrated into all resources as well as into civil and military integration. Additionally, this integration was not emphasized in explicit terms in the examined bills. The main and most prioritised outcome was to consider Human Rights, which resulted in high ranking publicity for the EU and Sweden in the outcome of the operations, both regionally and strategically.</p>

A presente dissertação busca analisar as motivações que levam o Estado brasileiro a atuar na arena internacional, visando assegurar a competitividade das empresas brasileiras no mercado externo, especificamente a participar politicamente e investir recursos na Iniciativa para a Integração da Infraestrutura Regional Sul- Americana, com opção pelo recorte na integração da infraestrutura de transportes e logística da faixa geográfica que pretende conectar o Porto de Santos, no Oceano Atlântico aos portos marítimos de Peru e Chile, no Oceano Pacífico, designada Eixo Interoceânico Central. Para compreender tais motivações, o trabalho está dividido em quatro partes que se complementam no decurso e se interconectam na tessitura das considerações finais. Primeiramente é abordada a ascensão das questões econômicas nas prioridades de política externa dos países, ressignificando o contexto de atuação dos Estados no sistema internacional, que passam a ser movidos pela interdependência complexa, levando em consideração os interesses de grupos econômicos domésticos, para formatar suas preferências na formulação da política exterior. Estabelecida a base de sustentação dos argumentos, o estudo passa a enfocar o Brasil e a opção por instrumentalizar suas relações exteriores para concretizar o projeto de desenvolvimento econômico nacional. Nesta perspectiva, são abordadas as articulações de política externa brasileira, desde a década de 1930 - quando inicia um esforço integrado para industrialização e modernização econômica - até a proposta recente de inserção do país na economia mundial, empenhada em expandir as relações econômico-comerciais por meio de ações que contribuam para o aumento da capacidade competitiva das empresas frente à concorrência internacional. Entre tais ações são destacadas as relações de cooperação do Brasil com Bolívia, Chile, Paraguai e Peru, no sentido de promover o ordenamento de seus territórios sob a lógica da conformação da infraestrutura física, capaz de proporcionar fluidez para o escoamento da produção - momento em que se analisa em que medida as pretensões de expansão econômica brasileira estão voltadas aos parceiros comerciais da América do Sul, ou direcionadas a pontos mais distantes do horizonte, em direção à região da Ásia-Pacífico. / This dissertation seeks analyzing the motivations that lead Brazilian State to perform in the international arena, aiming at assure the Brazilian enterprises competitiveness in external market, specifically for politically take part and to invest resources in Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America, choosing the prune of logistics and transportation infrastructure integration of the geographic extension that intents to connect Port of Santos, in Atlantic Ocean, to Peruvian e Chilean maritime, in Pacific Ocean, named Central Interoceanic Hub. To comprehend these motivations, this study is divided in four parts, that they complement each other along, and interconnect themselves at organization of final considerations. Firstly, it is approached the ascension of economical issues in the countries foreign politics priorities changing the States acting context in the international system, that became moved for complex interdependence, considering the domestic economical groups interests of shaping preferences on foreign politics formulation. Settled the arguments sustentation basis, the study highlights Brazil and the option for external relations way as achieve national economical development project. In this regard, the articulations to Brazilian foreign politics are approached, since 1930's - when it was began an integrated effort for economical modernization and industrialization - to recent purpose to insert nation on worldwide economy, engaged to expand the commercial-economical relations through actions in spite of contribute to increase the enterprises competitive capacity in front of international competition. As such actions, the emphasis is given to the cooperation relations of Brazil with Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay and Peru in regards to promote the ordering of their territories under the logic of physical infrastructure shaping able to allow fluidity to production flowing off - at this point, it is analyzed which extent the will of Brazilian economical expansion are toward to commercial partners of South America, or directed to farthest at the horizon, aim for Asia-Pacific region.

A presente dissertação busca analisar as motivações que levam o Estado brasileiro a atuar na arena internacional, visando assegurar a competitividade das empresas brasileiras no mercado externo, especificamente a participar politicamente e investir recursos na Iniciativa para a Integração da Infraestrutura Regional Sul- Americana, com opção pelo recorte na integração da infraestrutura de transportes e logística da faixa geográfica que pretende conectar o Porto de Santos, no Oceano Atlântico aos portos marítimos de Peru e Chile, no Oceano Pacífico, designada Eixo Interoceânico Central. Para compreender tais motivações, o trabalho está dividido em quatro partes que se complementam no decurso e se interconectam na tessitura das considerações finais. Primeiramente é abordada a ascensão das questões econômicas nas prioridades de política externa dos países, ressignificando o contexto de atuação dos Estados no sistema internacional, que passam a ser movidos pela interdependência complexa, levando em consideração os interesses de grupos econômicos domésticos, para formatar suas preferências na formulação da política exterior. Estabelecida a base de sustentação dos argumentos, o estudo passa a enfocar o Brasil e a opção por instrumentalizar suas relações exteriores para concretizar o projeto de desenvolvimento econômico nacional. Nesta perspectiva, são abordadas as articulações de política externa brasileira, desde a década de 1930 - quando inicia um esforço integrado para industrialização e modernização econômica - até a proposta recente de inserção do país na economia mundial, empenhada em expandir as relações econômico-comerciais por meio de ações que contribuam para o aumento da capacidade competitiva das empresas frente à concorrência internacional. Entre tais ações são destacadas as relações de cooperação do Brasil com Bolívia, Chile, Paraguai e Peru, no sentido de promover o ordenamento de seus territórios sob a lógica da conformação da infraestrutura física, capaz de proporcionar fluidez para o escoamento da produção - momento em que se analisa em que medida as pretensões de expansão econômica brasileira estão voltadas aos parceiros comerciais da América do Sul, ou direcionadas a pontos mais distantes do horizonte, em direção à região da Ásia-Pacífico. / This dissertation seeks analyzing the motivations that lead Brazilian State to perform in the international arena, aiming at assure the Brazilian enterprises competitiveness in external market, specifically for politically take part and to invest resources in Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America, choosing the prune of logistics and transportation infrastructure integration of the geographic extension that intents to connect Port of Santos, in Atlantic Ocean, to Peruvian e Chilean maritime, in Pacific Ocean, named Central Interoceanic Hub. To comprehend these motivations, this study is divided in four parts, that they complement each other along, and interconnect themselves at organization of final considerations. Firstly, it is approached the ascension of economical issues in the countries foreign politics priorities changing the States acting context in the international system, that became moved for complex interdependence, considering the domestic economical groups interests of shaping preferences on foreign politics formulation. Settled the arguments sustentation basis, the study highlights Brazil and the option for external relations way as achieve national economical development project. In this regard, the articulations to Brazilian foreign politics are approached, since 1930's - when it was began an integrated effort for economical modernization and industrialization - to recent purpose to insert nation on worldwide economy, engaged to expand the commercial-economical relations through actions in spite of contribute to increase the enterprises competitive capacity in front of international competition. As such actions, the emphasis is given to the cooperation relations of Brazil with Bolivia, Chile, Paraguay and Peru in regards to promote the ordering of their territories under the logic of physical infrastructure shaping able to allow fluidity to production flowing off - at this point, it is analyzed which extent the will of Brazilian economical expansion are toward to commercial partners of South America, or directed to farthest at the horizon, aim for Asia-Pacific region.