From earliest times, child protection has formed an important part of the social worker's responsibilities. When child protection is referred to, statutory intervention, with the accompanying supportive or therapeutic intervention, is often necessary. In cases of sexual abuse of children, the nature of the service rendered is complex, requiring a wide range of inputs. Forensic social work is a fairly new specialist field in terms of service provision in social work in South Africa. The forensic social worker is primarily involved in investigating reports of alleged sexual abuse and must draw up a court report and, as an expert, give evidence in court. The forensic social worker is not involved with the child at therapeutic level. Social workers involved with generic child and family care can be involved in both the statutory and the therapeutic interventions, but are not always sure when a child should be referred for forensic assessment. This may lead to role confusion and conflict. This study attempts to establish a guideline for social workers in the offices of the Christian Council Social Services in the Highveld Synod, in order to facilitate referral for forensic assessment and to eliminate the role confusion and conflict mentioned above. The guidelines have been drawn up on the basis of information gathered from the relevant literature and from focus group conversations with social workers and individual interviews with social workers specialising in forensic social work. Although the guidelines have been developed specifically for the above–mentioned organisation, social workers in other child and family care organisations could also derive benefit from them. / Thesis (M.A. (MW))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.

Le montant annuel de la fraude européenne à la carte de paiement se monte à plus d’1,5 milliard d’euros. Cette manne aiguise l’appétit des groupes criminels qui exploitent la moindre faille de la monétique (écosystème de la carte de paiement). Les cinq principaux acteurs de la monétique (porteurs, émetteurs, accepteurs, acquéreurs et systèmes de paiement) s’appuient pourtant sur des systèmes et réseaux normalisés dont la sécurité est encadrée par des standards internationaux contraignants. Néanmoins, la fraude monétique ne cesse de progresser alors que les moyens de lutte (étatiques, collaboratifs ou individuels) restent limités.Après étude de la fraude monétique, cette thèse propose différentes actions (passives,réactives et proactives) visant à améliorer la lutte contre la fraude monétique. D’abord,il convient de mieux connaître la fraude en étudiant la provenance des données volées et plus seulement leur usage. Ensuite l’expertise de ces fraudes doit être améliorée, en développant par exemple une captation du progrès scientifique. Une expertise qui doit être en partie transmise aux enquêteurs afin qu’ils puissent conduire leurs enquêtes. Enquêtes qui peuvent être dynamisées par des opérations réactives associant investigateurs et sachants techniques. Enfin, de manière proactive, les enquêtes et analyses de demain doivent être facilitées par les technologies monétiques conçues aujourd’hui. / Every year, payment card fraud exceeds 1.5 billion euros in Europe. Organised crime groups are exploiting any vulnerability possible to take a piece of this lucrative activity. Even though the five principal entities in the payment card industry (cardholders, issuers,acceptors, acquirers and payment system providers) are implementing binding security measures through out standardized systems and networks, fraud continues to increase. Efforts by the state, industry collaboration, and individuals have been unsuccessful in decreasing criminal advances. Having analysed the elements of payment card fraud, this thesis proposes several actions (passive, reactive and proactive) to help improve the fight against this fraud. First, itis relevant to gain knowledge of the source of the card details and not to focus only on its reuse. Next, forensic assessment has to be improved, for example by developing an increased scientific understanding of the technology. Such an expertise should then be passed on to investigators through effective training and knowledge transfer. Investigations should also be made more dynamic with reactive operations conducted in concert by investigators and technicians. Finally, in an ideal proactive spirit, future investigations and assessments should be oriented and facilitated by studying and influencing current payment card technology developments.

This research paper has examined the validity of the Forensic Assessment Interview Technique (FAINT). FAINT is a specific interview process - accepted and in current use - integrating the works of this researcher with the works of John Reid, Richard Arther, and Avinoam Sapir. The FAINT technique involves the evaluation of nonverbal behavior, projective analysis of unwitting verbal cues, and statement analysis. The fundamental hypothesis of FAINT is that truthful and deceptive criminal suspects differ demonstrably in their nonverbal, verbal and written communication, when asked to respond to a structured format of interview questions. FAINT maintains that these differences are observable and can be quantified to allow forensic interviewers to make accurate determinations of a suspect's involvement in a crime. This research has examined the validity of the technique as measured by a traditional, unweighted 3 point scale and a weighted scoring system (an issue being researched in this paper) comparatively used for determining truth or deception. This dissertation reports the results of both scoring systems, as well as a comparison between them and the historically used Behavioral Analysis Interview (BAI) that was developed by John E. Reid. / Criminology / MA (Criminology)

Each year, an estimated 318,000 defendants who do not comprehend the Miranda warnings waive their rights and provide incriminating evidence without the protection of counsel (Rogers, 2008), which make Miranda-related competencies one of the most pervasive pretrial issues. A wide range of issues could potentially affect an individual's capacity to provide a knowing and intelligent waiver. Previous Miranda research has focused narrowly on the effects of cognitive and developmental factors. The current study added to the Miranda literature by examining the impact of two highly prevalent conditions found in correctional populations, attention deficits and substance abuse. Adult defendants in custody (N = 118) were evaluated within 36 hours of arrest in order to assess both chronic psychological disorders and situational variables. Results indicate that attention deficits have a significant impact on defendants' ability to provide a knowing Miranda waiver, whereas substance use profoundly affected their reasoning about Miranda waiver decisions. This study represents the first systematic investigation of the effect of transient mental states on Miranda-related abilities with criminal defendants. Important implications for forensic practice are addressed.

This research paper has examined the validity of the Forensic Assessment Interview Technique (FAINT). FAINT is a specific interview process - accepted and in current use - integrating the works of this researcher with the works of John Reid, Richard Arther, and Avinoam Sapir. The FAINT technique involves the evaluation of nonverbal behavior, projective analysis of unwitting verbal cues, and statement analysis. The fundamental hypothesis of FAINT is that truthful and deceptive criminal suspects differ demonstrably in their nonverbal, verbal and written communication, when asked to respond to a structured format of interview questions. FAINT maintains that these differences are observable and can be quantified to allow forensic interviewers to make accurate determinations of a suspect's involvement in a crime. This research has examined the validity of the technique as measured by a traditional, unweighted 3 point scale and a weighted scoring system (an issue being researched in this paper) comparatively used for determining truth or deception. This dissertation reports the results of both scoring systems, as well as a comparison between them and the historically used Behavioral Analysis Interview (BAI) that was developed by John E. Reid. / Criminology and Security Science / MA (Criminology)

Les facteurs associés aux recommandations d’experts psychiatres-légistes et aux verdicts à la cour de non-responsabilité criminelle pour cause de troubles mentaux ont peu été étudiés au Canada. Une collecte de données sociodémographiques, criminologiques et psychologiques a été réalisée à l’Institut national de psychiatrie légale Philippe-Pinel et au Palais de justice de Montréal sur 100 dossiers médicaux et plumitifs. Des analyses de régressions logistiques ont été exécutées afin d’identifier les facteurs sociodémographiques, criminologiques et psychologiques associés aux recommandations et aux verdicts de non-responsabilité criminelle pour cause de troubles mentaux. Les psychiatres ont recommandé la non-responsabilité criminelle pour cause de troubles mentaux pour 49% des sujets alors que les tribunaux ont reconnu 45% de l’échantillon comme étant non criminellement responsable. Les résultats suggèrent qu’une désorganisation cognitive et une perte de contrôle causée par un état psychotique au moment du crime, ainsi qu’un historique de verdicts de non-responsabilité criminelle pour cause de troubles mentaux sont associés aux recommandations psychiatriques de non-responsabilité criminelle. De plus, les résultats indiquent que de ne pas avoir d’information concernant la présence ou l’absence d’idées délirantes au moment du crime est associé aux verdicts de non-responsabilité criminelle pour cause de troubles mentaux. Cette étude permet de mettre en lumière les biais possibles dans le processus d’évaluation de non-responsabilité criminelle pour cause de troubles mentaux ainsi que les définitions et éléments du processus décisionnel qui mériteraient d’être précisés. / To our knowledge, factors associated with experts’ recommendations and courts’ verdicts of not criminally responsible on account of mental disorder (NCRMD) have received little attention in Canada. Sociodemographic, criminological, and psychological variables were coded from 100 medical files at the Institut national de psychiatrie légale Philippe-Pinel and court dockets of Montréal's provincial court. Logistic regression analyses were carried out to identify factors associated with experts’ recommendations and courts’ verdicts of non-criminal responsibility on account of mental disorder. Psychiatrists recommended non-criminal responsibility on account of mental disorder for 49% of subjects while the court found 45% of the sample to be NCRMD. Results show that disorganized cognition and psychosis-associated loss of control at the time of the offence, as well as having prior NCRMD verdicts, are predictive of a psychiatric recommendation of non-criminal responsibility on account of mental disorder. Results also suggest that not having information regarding the presence or absence of delusional ideation is associated with receiving a verdict of non-criminal responsibility on account of mental disorder. This study paves the way for the forensic mental health and legal fields to better understand the current clinical operationalization - and its shortcomings - of section 16 of the Criminal Code - not criminally responsible on account of mental disorder.

Le retentissement psychologique d’événements sources de responsabilité, quels qu’ils soient – acte de terrorisme, perte d’un être cher, harcèlement moral… – est spécifique du fait de ses caractères protéiforme et invisible. Tout d’abord, le premier d’entre eux tient au fait qu’en matière psychologique tant les atteintes que les souffrances en résultant sont diverses. Ainsi, d’un point de vue lésionnel, certains événements vont s’avérer plus traumatisants que d’autres, principalement ceux au cours desquels le sujet a été confronté à sa propre mort. Concernant la souffrance, un sujet peut tout aussi bien souffrir émotionnellement d’une altération de sa propre intégrité – par exemple physique avec le diagnostic d’une pathologie grave – que d’un tort affectant celle d’un proche (e.g. décès, handicap). Un retentissement qualifié d’invisible ensuite, puisqu’il apparaît bien plus aisé d’identifier une atteinte à l’intégrité physique qu’une atteinte à l’intégrité psychique. De plus, certaines atteintes psychologiques sont totalement insaisissables en raison de leur caractère éminemment diffus. L’objet de cette démonstration est donc de savoir comment le droit de la responsabilité civile va appréhender la victime de ce retentissement psychologique. Sa prise en charge ne pourra être que particulière du fait de l’interaction inévitable entre les sphères juridique et psychologique.Afin de le découvrir sera proposée, dans un premier temps, une conceptualisation de la victime psychologique se fondant sur la réalité psychopathologique. Deux grandes distinctions nourrissent cette réflexion. L’une est de nature juridique ; il s’agit de la distinction du dommage et du préjudice. L’autre est d’origine psychopathologique ; elle oppose le choc émotionnel au traumatisme psychique. Leur entrecroisement permettra d’élaborer différents cas de manifestation de la souffrance psychologique et de dessiner les contours de la qualité de victime. Dans un second temps, au titre de l’indemnisation de la victime psychologique, tant l’appréciation que l’évaluation de ses préjudices seront examinées. Les répercussions du traumatisme psychique voire du choc émotionnel vont parfois être si importantes que l’indemnisation ne pourra se cantonner à la seule souffrance éprouvée. Des conséquences de nature différente, par exemple patrimoniales, devront être prises en considération. À cette fin, une typologie des préjudices de la victime sous analyse mérite d’être mise en place. Des règles d’indemnisation distinctes seront érigées en fonction du préjudice subi. Un préjudice présumé, notamment à partir d’un dommage, ne pourra logiquement être compensé de la même façon que des préjudices non présumables, c’est-à-dire soumis à expertise. En somme, le système d’indemnisation à instaurer se devra d’être en phase avec le système de révélation de la souffrance qui aura été précédemment établi.Ainsi, cette étude se propose de construire un réel statut fondateur de la victime psychologique. Une fois cette notion cardinale intégralement conceptualisée, un régime d’indemnisation s’en inférant sera rationnellement avancé. / The psychological impact of the events, which are the source of responsibility, be they acts of terrorism, loss of a loved one, psychological harassment, is specific to characteristics both protean and invisible. The first among them is due to the fact that in psychological matter injuries and the resulting suffering are both varied. As such, from the injury point of view, certain events will prove to be more traumatizing than others. Principally those during which the subject has been faced with his own death. Concerning suffering, a subject can as well emotionally suffer a change in his own integrity – for example the physical one with a diagnosis of a serious illness – that of a sort damage which affects that of a loved one (e.g. death or handicap). Then, the impact is considered invisible. It appears much more simple indeed, to identify harm to physical integrity as a harm to psychic integrity. More so, certain psychological harms are totally imperceptible by reason of their eminently diffuse characteristic. The object of this demonstration is therefore to know how civil liability law will comprehend the victim of such a psychological impact. Its comprehension will be particular given the inevitable interaction between the judicial and psychological spheres.In order to better understand this, we will first propose a conceptualization of the psychological victim that blends into psychopathological reality. Two major distinctions feed this thought. One is legal nature, which relates to the distinction between prejudice and harm. The other is psychopathological in nature which opposes emotional shock and psychic trauma. Their intertwining allows us to elaborate different cases of manifestation of psychological suffering and define the contours of the qualities of the victim. Secondly, regarding compensation for a psychological victim, both the appreciation and the evaluation of these prejudices will be examined. The repercussions of psychic trauma, or even emotional shock can sometimes be so grave that compensation cannot restrict itself only to the experienced suffering. Consequences of different natures, for example patrimonial ones, must be taken into consideration. To this end, a division of the prejudices of the psychological victim should be put in place. Distinct rules of compensation will be established based on the prejudice endured. A prejudice presumed, originating notably from a harm, cannot logically be compensated in the same fashion as non-presumable prejudices that require a forensic assessment. In short, the system of compensation must be in phase with the system of disclosure of suffering that has been previously established. As a result, this study proposes to construct a true founding status of a psychological victim. Once this principal notion has been completely conceptualized, we can use it to create a rational compensation scheme.