The master thesis examine the features of sport career transition in Lithuania. The aim of work was to define main components influencing social adaptation of former athletes. Data was compared with data from “Social Adaptation of Lithuanian Former Athletes” survey made in 1985. Results show that the main factor influencing social adaptation of former athletes is work satisfaction. Data showed that this feature on the other hand is influenced by success of athlete during his career. Comparison of two surveys showed that athletes in Lithuania tend to finish their career being older (31 – 35). The main reasons for career transition stand injuries and age. The main obstacles that athletes are facing during career transition are related to finding new activity and self – realization in it.

This thesis examines how and under what influences communities of Islamic faith have developed in post-Soviet Russia. My arguments are based on research conducted in Astrakhan, Russia in the summer of 2009. Astrakhan is the capital of Astrakhan Oblast in southwest Russia and has a reputation for being a multi-confessional and multi-ethnic city. Astrakhan is home to Russians, Tatars, Kazakhs, Kalmyks, and many other nationalities. I draw from interviews and newspaper analysis to examine what the local landscape of Islam looks like in Astrakhan, how has it changed since the collapse of the USSR, and what future trends are emerging. Mosque renovations and demolitions are the center of my analysis. Drawing on scholarship in critical geopolitics and critical geographies of religion, this paper seeks to understand how the Kremlin and other levels of government influence the development of Islam locally within Astrakhan. Interviews are used to study local understandings of the changing forms of Islam in Astrakhan, and to see if locals believe that the state has been supportive to the Islamic community. My research contributes to wider scholarship on the importance of the relationship between the state and local Islamic communities for Islamic nation-building in the Russian Federation.

Denna studie avser att jämföra brottsoffer och f.d. kriminellas upplevelser av hur individens identitet har formats. Undersökningen bygger på kvalitativa intervjuer med tio informanter som söker besvara frågan om hur individerna upplever att deras sociala band och självkänsla har förändrats av att vara kriminell respektive brottsoffer. Dessa frågor besvaras med de teoretiska utgångspunkter som valts där fokus ligger på Jenkins sociala identitetsteori. Vidare används Scheffs teori om sociala band som är associerad med känslor av skam och stolthet, samt Johnsons teori om självkänsla används som reglerar individens välmående. I resultatet framgår markanta skillnader mellan brottsoffer och f.d. kriminellas upplevelser av brott.  Den sociala omgivningen anses ha en betydande roll för deras olika upplevelser men framförallt för individernas identitetsskapande. Det kan även konstateras att sociala band utgör en viktig faktor för individens välbefinnande och har en inverkan på individens självkänsla. / This study intends to compare victims' and the former criminal’s experiences of how the individual's identity has been shaped. The study is based on qualitative interviews with ten informants and intends to answer the question of how individuals perceive that their social ties and self-esteem has changed from being a criminal and victim. These questions are answered with the selected theoretical starting points that focus on Jenkins social identity theory. Further, Scheff's theory of social ties that are associated with feelings of shame and pride, even Johnson's theory of self-esteem is used that regulate the individual's well-being. The results show obvious differences between the victims' and former criminals experiences of crime. The social environment is considered to have a significant role in their different experiences and has particularly an impact on the individuals' identity. It may even be noted that the social ties are an important factor in an individual's well-being and has an impact on the individual's self-esteem.

This thesis examines the role of the Northern Department of the British Foreign Office and its perception of, and attitude towards, the Soviet Union between 1945 and 1953. In these formative years after World War II many assumptions and policies were shaped that proved decisive for years to come. The Northern Department of the Foreign Office was at the centre of British dealings with the Soviet Union after 1945 in an atmosphere of cooling diplomatic relations between both camps. Keeping channels of communications open in order to exploit every opportunity for negotiation and the settlement of post-war issues, officials built up an extensive expertise of Soviet domestic and foreign policy. Their focus on all aspects of Soviet life accessible to them, for example, Soviet domestic and international propaganda, revealed in their view a significant emerging future threat to British interests in Europe and worldwide. This view provided the basis of the analysis of new information and the assessment of the best possible policy options for the British government. The Northern Department tried to exploit those traits of Soviet policy that could persuade the USA and Western Europe to follow British foreign policy initiatives vis-à-vis the Soviet Union in the early Cold War while attempting to balance those weaknesses that could harm this effort. The focus of the Department often varied as a result of Soviet action. Some issues, like the Cominform were of momentary importance while other issues, like the Communist threat and the issue of Western European defence remained on the agenda for many years. A realistic approach to foreign policy allowed officials to exploit and counter-act those Soviet foreign policies seen as most threatening to Britain and those most likely to aid Britain’s recovery of her much desired world role. While the initial optimism after 1945 soon faded and consolidation on both sides was followed by confrontation, officials in London and the embassy in Moscow tried to maintain diplomatic relations to aid Western recovery efforts and support the new foreign policy doctrine of containment. When by the early 1950s entrenchment was speeding up in East and West, the Northern Department nevertheless utilised the available information to support British foreign policy worldwide as well as strengthen the domestic effort to explain the increasing international tension to the British people. Realism on the part of officials, and awareness of the information and options available to them meant that a Britain closely allied to the USA but one that continued to talk to the Kremlin was seen as the best way to achieve a continued world role for Britain and a safe Europe.

Despite the prevalence of remarriages and stepfamilies in North American society, there is a relative paucity of research regarding aspects of marital quality in stepfamilies relative to the abundance of empirical examination of first marriages. Related to the absence of clear norms and roles for remarried partners and stepfamily members, clinicians have noted that remarried individuals tend to hold beliefs and expectations of remarriage and stepfamily relations that are better suited to biologically-related nuclear families, as opposed to recognizing the unique and often complex circumstances of stepfamilies. As such, remarital quality may be particularly prone to disappointment due to unfounded expectations and beliefs that become problematic for adjustment of partners and their children. Similarly, the few guidelines for interactions between former spouses who continue to co-parent their shared children may lead to dissatisfaction for remarried parents attempting to manage these relationships. The current study aimed to predict two aspects of remarital quality – dyadic adjustment and relationship commitment – with a measure of the changes in one’s beliefs over time about remarriage and stepfamilies, while also accounting for remarriage length and the self-reported well-being of the responding remarried parents. Changes in beliefs about co-parenting with one’s former spouse were also assessed as potential predictors of co-parenting communication quality, which has sometimes been found to correlate with remarital quality. An online questionnaire was completed by 112 remarried mothers who shared parenting of their minor children with their former spouses. A small sample of 33 remarried fathers also participated, providing an initial comparison group with which to tentatively explore gender differences in changes in beliefs and their association with remarital and co-parenting quality. Most respondents reported remarital satisfaction and average communication quality with former spouses, providing little evidence for the spillover of conflict that has been noted previously. Emerging as predictive of better current remarital quality included a reported decline over time in the beliefs that stepfamilies only have a slim chance of success, and a belief that stepfamilies are “second-best” compared to nuclear families. Mothers who recalled the greatest decreases in these beliefs over time also reported more positive remarital adjustment at present, compared to those whose beliefs did not change as much. The earlier that these beliefs changed, the greater the benefits were to remarital adjustment. Change in beliefs was also predictive of co-parenting communication, more so than individual well-being. Few sex differences were noted. These findings suggest that changes in beliefs regarding marital transitions and co-parenting relationships are important for adjustment in these relationships and have potential to act as targets for intervention to facilitate smooth transitions to remarriage and stepfamily life. Highlighting the need for remarrying couples and their children to have opportunities to develop positive beliefs and expectations about stepfamilies, possible applications in terms of public policy, community education, peer support, and family resources are discussed.

This thesis looks at the major factors, both environmental and institutional, which haye affected pastoralism in Kazakhstan throughout this century, concentrating in particular on the changes which have occurred since the end of the socialist period. The recent reforms were found to be highly negative for the livestock sector, leading to a crash in livestock numbers, high levels of poverty and the abandonment of many pasture areas. Winter fodder as a limit to livestock production has gained importance as it is no longer provided free by the state. There have been many reports of overstocking and land degradation in Kazakhstan. The literature on this was reviewed, and stocking rates in the Soviet periods compared with forage availability in different vegetation zones. From this, the regions of the study area which were probably most seriously affected by grazing regimes were identified. It was found that land degradation did not have negative effects on meat production at regional scales in the Soviet period. Since 1994 Kazakhstan's rangelands have undergone a transition from being highly stocked to being virtually empty of livestock. The potential for monitoring vegetation recovery using both biomass data and NDVI from the AVHRR satellite was investigated. Relationships with rainfall were explored for both datasets in order to determine the relative importance of climatic and human influences on forage availability. The NDVI data was found to have poor relationships with rainfall due both to its low sensitivity to the biomass changes involved, and the low rainfall variability. Better relationships between net primary production and rainfall were found using the biomass data. A severe drought occurring just after the stock crash was detected by the NDVI, but confounded any detection of vegetation recovery.

This thesis describes the political-military alliance of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation (WTO) from its origins and founding in 1955 to its 30th Anniversary in 1985, and after. In showing how the WTO has developed and operated, its practical application in the fields of joint foreign policy and military affairs is described and discussed. In the light of this analysis, the WTO is placed in its context within the socialist community. The origins of the WTO are shown to be part of a general trend towards closer co-operation between the European socialist countries. The states were formally brought together as a public response to the London and Paris Agreements of 1954, which officially rearmed the Federal Republic of Germany and incorporated it into the Western military alliance system and NATO. The structural development is described and analysed, showing the practice of the official structure largely to be a response to existing ad hoc arrangements. The limitations placed on the Organisation's political and military roles are explained, detailing how the WTO is formally restrained from operating as an efficient or effective multilateral co-ordinating body. Where it does operate, the WTO is shown principally to be a political organisation. The documentary history of the WTO is analysed, to show how the structure works in practice. Particular stress is placed on the role of the WTO in carrying out its claimed purpose of co-ordinating the foreign policies of the members. The conclusion is suggested that the WTO at most co-ordinates the `basic principles' rather than the diplomatic practice of its members' foreign policies. The participating states are shown not to be significantly bound by the WTO in the practice of their national foreign policies, though they are bound by bilateral factors external to the structure of the Warsaw Treaty. The 30th Anniversary of the signing of the WTO, potentially a historic landmark, is shown to have passed with very little pomp or celebration. The treatment of the Anniversary in the Soviet Union and amongst its allies was low-key. The issues covered by the Anniversary speeches and articles are described, and are analysed both for what they said about the WTO, its origins, practice, ansd significance, and for what was not said or done. Changes are analysed that have taken place under the new Soviet leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev, whose accession occurred just before the signing of the Protocol extending the Treaty. The 30th Anniversary soon followed. Structural changes were hinted at but never took place, though the documents issued by the existing bodies have become much more open in their description of the discussions and disagreements that took place. These events, coinciding with other changes in Soviet internal and externalpolicies, were shown to be part of an apparent attempt by the Soviet authorities to consult and co-ordinate its actions with its allies, or at least to appear to be doing so. It is also shown where past practices, such as unilateral Soviet moves on foreign policy and arms control, have not changed. The conclusion is that the real significance of the WTO is ideological, serving to give the impression of unity. The Warsaw Treaty Organisation is just another means in the many forms of alliance indicating, and used to justify, the `socialist community'. Other forms of alliance, both political and military, take precedence over the WTO in all its functions. These are principally bilateral, rather than multilateral, forms, and in many cases they are party, rather than state, forms of alliance. Research into the WTO has not been fruitless, but has proved to be the study of issues other than the foreign or defence policies of a multilateral alliance.

No description available.

This work discusses the role of the economic elites of Russia and Ukraine in the development of relations between the two countries in the period between 1994-1998. A “Pragmatist approach” to bilateral relations, that emerged in Kyiv and in Moscow in the mid-1990s, and the doctrine of CIS integration are identified as the ideological underpinnings for the participation of the economic elites in the process of foreign policy-making. According to these approaches, economic elites in Russia and Ukraine share similar economic interests derived from the necessity to restore a post-Soviet common economic space. Convergent interests of the economic elites are assumed to be powerful incentives to increase bilateral co-operation and eventually foster economic and political reintegration between the two countries. In an analysis based on the study of domestic sources of foreign policy, the author contests these approaches. This work argues that, contrary to expectations, the consolidation of nation-based economic elites led to the emergence of conflicting rather than convergent interests. The redistribution of national wealth, following the demise of the Soviet structure of state-ownership, sparked a struggle between domestic and economic elites for the control of economic resources. The penetration of external economic actors was viewed, in this perspective, as a factor that might upset the delicate balance of power between domestic institutions and economic agents. A nationalist vocabulary, resulting from a century-long struggle for independence, was used in Ukraine to express a protectionist mood against Russian competitors. This research contributes to the debate on co-operation between states and the role that domestic factor play in encouraging or hindering such a process. In particular, this study supports the argument that recently established independent states are less prone to join co-operation schemes, especially when a process of redistribution of national resources follows the demise of the previous regime. The economic elites may be identified in this process as active participants or even promoters of nationalist movements.

This thesis examines how the three Baltic countries constructed their internal and external sovereign statehood in the interwar period and the post Cold War era. Twice in one century, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were confronted with strongly divided multiethnic societies, requiring a bold and wide-ranging ethnics policy. In 1918 all three Baltic countries promised their minorities cultural autonomy. Whereas Estonian and Latvian politicians were deeply influenced by the theories of Karl Renner and Otto Bauer, the Lithuanians fell back on the historic Jewish self-government in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Many politicians were convinced that the principle of equality of nationalities was one of the cornerstones of the new international order, embodied by the League of Nations. The minority protection system of the League was, however, not established to serve humanitarian aims. It only sought to ensure international peace. This lack of a general minority protection system was one of many discussion points in the negotiations of the Estonian and Latvian minority declarations. Although Lithuania signed a much more detailed minority declaration, its internal political situation rapidly deteriorated. Estonia, on the other hand, established full cultural autonomy with corporations of public law. Although a wide-ranging school autonomy was already established in 1919, Latvia never established cultural self-government. The Second World War and the subsequent Soviet occupation led to the replacement of the small historically rooted minority groups by large groups of Russian-speaking settlers. The restoration in 1991 of the pre 1940 political community meant that these groups were deprived of political rights. In trying to cope with this situation, Estonia and Latvia focused much more on linguistic integration than on collective rights. Early attempts to pursue a decolonisation policy, as proposed by some leading Estonian and Latvian policymakers, were blocked by the ‘official Europe’ which followed a policy analogous to the League of Nations.