Diese Dissertation betrachtet die Beziehung zwischen Parser und Grammatik bei Muttersprachlern (Native Speakers, NS) und Heritage- (Erb-) Sprechern (HS) des Griechischen, indem sie die Mechanismen untersucht, die einer pseudo-Lizenzierung bei Verletzungen der Kongruenz des grammatischen Geschlechts zugrunde liegen. Diese Verletzungen sind Fehler, die auftreten, wenn eine intervenierende Phrase (Attraktor) nicht mit den Genusmerkmalen des Kopfnomens übereinstimmt, ein Phänomen, das in der Literatur (Gender-)Agreement Attraktion, hier Attraktion von Genuskongruenz, genannt wird. Die Dissertation testet, ob eine solche Attraktion von Genuskongruenz im Griechischen vorhanden ist und ob ein- und zweisprachige Muttersprachler gleichermaßen anfällig für Fehler bei der Attraktion sind. Die Dissertation untersucht für die Gruppe der HS außerdem die Genuskongruenz beim Echtzeit-Sprachverstehen und -produzieren. In der Arbeit zeige ich, dass sowohl NS als auch HS anfällig für Attraktionsfehler bei der Genuskongruenz sind. Das zeigen die Reaktionszeitmuster und die Urteile. Gleichzeitig zeigten bei mündlichen Erzählungen beide Sprechergruppen die gleichen Übergeneralisierungsmuster für maskulines Genus bei belebten Nomen sowie bei mündlichen Erzählungen und beschleunigten Grammatikalitätsurteilen für Neutrum bei unbelebten Nomen. Zusammengenommen deuten diese Ergebnisse darauf hin, dass NS und HS anfällig für die Attraktion von Genuskongruenz sind und dass beide Gruppen ähnliche Hinweise zum Abruf des Genus verwenden und somit ähnliche Attraktionsmuster aufweisen. HS unterscheiden sich jedoch von NS in der Verarbeitung der Genuskongruenz an sich, insbesondere bei femininen Kopfnomen (markiertes Genus) in Objekt-Klitika, was darauf hindeutet, dass sowohl Markiertheit als auch Kongruenz an den Schnittstellen die Leistung von HS beeinflusst. Wenn Fehler auftreten, folgen beide Gruppen den gleichen Mustern der Übergeneralisierung. / This dissertation explores the relationship between the parser and the grammar in Native Speakers (NSs) and Heritage Speakers (HSs) of Greek by examining the mechanisms underpinning the illusory licensing of gender agreement violations: errors occurring when an intervening phrase (attractor) mismatches the gender cues of the head noun, a phenomenon which is usually called (gender) agreement attraction. In this work, I show that both NSs and HSs are prone to gender agreement attraction errors in the nominal domain of Greek, as their reaction time patterns and (speeded or scaled) judgements revealed. At the same time, both groups showed the same overgeneralization patterns of the masculine value in agreement errors with animate nouns in their oral narrations, and of the neuter value with inanimate nouns in their oral narrations and their online speeded judgements. Taken together, these results suggest that NSs and HSs are prone to gender agreement attraction in Greek and that both groups employ retrieval cues similarly showing similar attraction patterns. However, HSs differ from NSs in the processing of gender agreement per se, particularly with feminine head nouns (marked gender value) on object-clitics, suggesting that markedness as well as agreement at Interfaces influence HSs’ performance. Finally, when errors occur, both groups follow the same overegeneralization patterns.

This study concerns simultaneous bilingual acquisition (2L1) of Swedish-Brazilian children growing up in mixed-lingual families in Stockholm, with Swedish as their dominant language. Earlier studies on this language combination were not found. Not even were there any studies considering 2L1 children of the same age group as our main subjects (Anna 7;7,3–9;1,30, Maria 6;1,16–6;11,11). An analysis of their acquisition of Brazilian Portuguese (BP) as a weaker language (WL) was carried out in a Generative Grammar approach, mainly through the selective theory of language acquisition. The corpus consists of interviews with 2L1 children in a semi-longitudinal registration of their production. The focus of this analysis lies on the observation of three domains of BP grammar that differ morpho-syntactically from Swedish: verb inflection; VP as minimal responses; NP number and gender agreement. Three main research questions were formulated: 1) Are the simple and robust structures, provided by domestic input enough for triggering the functional categories (FC) of their WL? 2) If the FCs are activated, do they develop in the same sequence as a WL as they would in BPL1? 3) If the 2L1 children show any deviations in acquiring the grammar of their WL, is it possible to distinguish any influence from Swedish? To answer these questions a contrastive study was carried out, comparing the acquisition of BPWL with studies on 2L1 and BPL1 acquisition. The results show that the domestic input is enough for triggering the grammar of the WL, and that it was triggered and developed through a similar procedure to that of BPL1, although delayed. Contact with BPL1 input in Brazil was necessary to activate the children’s oral production. When using VPs for minimal responses it requires more than domestic input, and the influence of Swedish was reflected in the subjects’ use of sim ‘yes’ instead of VPs, as in this case grammar enters the domain of discourse at the syntax/pragmatics interface.

This thesis investigates the developpment of gender agreement in determiners and adjectives in the spontaneous speech of L2 French by five groups of Swedish learners: beginners at the university, secondary school students, university students, teacher candidates and PhD students. Different types of determiners are examined, such as definite and the indefinite articles. Adjectival agreement is studied in different positions in relation to the noun, such as the attributive anteposition, the attributive postposition and the predicative position. The aim is to identify the developmental sequence of gender agreement through a longitudinal study of learners at different levels of acquisition. The analysis is based on spoken language, i.e. 81 interviews belonging to the InterFra-corpus, Stockholm University. Our data also includes 8 oral productions from a control group of native speakers. The study is in three parts: one for the agreement between determiners and nouns, another for the agreement between adjectives and nouns and, finally, a study considering agreement between all three items within the noun phrase, i.e. determiner, noun and adjective (Det-N-Adj). A sequence of acquisition for gender agreement on determiners and adjectives is proposed based on the productions of four learner groups and compared to the six developmental stages suggested by Bartning and Schlyter (2004). Results have showed that there is an acquisition order of gender agreement in different parts of the nominal phrase, according to the type of determiner and the positions of the adjective. A qualitative analysis has shown a random use of gender agreement on determiners and some nouns are used with both genders on the determiner. Also, the type-token ratio is very low at the beginning of the acquisition, which partly explains the high accuracy rate (100 %). The study considering agreement between all three constituents within the noun phrase revealed that advanced learners have higher accuracy rate for gender agreement on adjectives within the noun phrase with the presence of a determiner that marks gender distinction (i.e. a non-elided, singular determiner). Results also showed that the feminine form of the adjectives remains difficult at higher acquisitional levels.

The present dissertation investigates grammatical gender representation and processing in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) as a first (L1) and a second (L2) language. It mainly examines whether L2 can process gender agreement in a native-like manner, and the extent to which L2 processing is influenced by the properties of the L2 speakers’ L1. Additionally, it examines whether L2 gender agreement processing is influenced by noun animacy (animate and inanimate) and word order (verb-subject and subject-verb). A series of experiments using both online and offline techniques were conducted to address these questions. In all of the experiments, gender agreement between verb and nouns was examined. The first series of experiments examined native speakers of MSA (n=49) using a self-paced reading task (SPR), an event-related potential (ERP) experiment, and a grammaticality judgment (GJ) task. Results of these experiments revealed that native speakers were sensitive to grammatical violations. Native speakers showed longer reaction times (RT) in the SPR task, and a P600 effect in the ERP, in responses to sentences with mismatched gender agreement as compared to sentences with matched gender agreement. They also performed at ceiling in the GJ task. The second series of experiments examined L2 speakers of MSA (n=74) using an SPR task, and a GJ task. Both experiments included adult L2 speakers whom were divided into two subgroups, -Gender and +Gender, based on whether or not their L1s has a grammatical gender system. The results of both experiments revealed that both groups were sensitive to gender agreement violations. The L2 speakers showed longer RTs, in the SPR task, in responses to sentences with mismatched gender agreement as compared to sentences with matched gender agreement. No difference was found between the L2 groups in this task. The L2 speakers also performed well in the GJ task, as they were able to correctly identify the grammatical and ungrammatical sentences. Interestingly in this task, the -Gender group outperformed +Gender group, which could be due to proficiency in the L2 as the former group obtained a better score on the proficiency task, or it could be that +Gender group showed negative transfer from their L1s. Based on the results of these two experiments, this dissertation argues that late L2 speakers are not restricted to their L1 grammar, and thus, they are able to acquire gender agreement system of their L2 even if this feature is not instantiated in their L1. The results provide converging evidence for the FTFA rather than FFFH model, as it appears that the -Gender group was able to reset their L1 gender parameter according to the L2 gender values. Although the L2 speakers were advanced, they showed slower RTs than the native speakers in the SPR task, and lower accuracy in the GJT. However, it is possible that they are still in the process of acquiring gender agreement of MSA and have not reached their final stage of acquisition. This is supported by the fact that some L2 speakers from both -Gender and +Gender groups performed as well as native speakers in both SPR and GJ tasks. Regarding the effect of animacy, the L2 speakers had slower RT and lower accuracy on sentences with inanimate nouns than on those with animate ones, which is in line with previous L2 studies (Anton-Medez, 1999; Alarcón, 2009; Gelin, & Bugaiska, 2014). The native speakers, on the other hand, showed no effect of animacy in both SPR task and GJT. Further, no N400 effect was observed as a result of semantic gender agreement violations in the ERP experiment. Finally, the results revealed a potential effect of word order. Both the native and L2 speakers showed longer RTs on VS word order than SV word order in the SPR task. Further the native speakers showed earlier and greater P600 effect on VS word order than SV word order in the ERP. This result suggests that processing gender agreement violation is more complex in the VS word order than in the SV word order due to the inherent asymmetry in the subject-verb agreement system in the two-word orders in MSA.

In dieser Arbeit werden die Unterschiede in der Genuskongruenz der belebten Substantive zwischen den ein- und zweisprachigen russischen Muttersprachlern und Muttersprachlerinnen mit Hilfe einer empirischen Studie untersucht. Speziell werden die vier Sonderfälle betrachtet: Hybridnomen (z.B., doktor „Arzt/Ärztin“), Substantive der dualen Genera (z.B., sirota „Waise“), weibliche Vornamen in der Verkleinerungsform mit den Suffixen –ik/ -ok (z.B., Irch-ik), Substantive, die männliche Personen bezeichnen, aber deren Form mit einem Vokal endet. Die Analyse der Ergebnisse dieser Studie ergibt folgende Feststellungen. Die fortgeschrittenen russischen Herkunftssprecher/-innen können mit den grammatischen Strukturen, die keine Variabilität darstellen – d.h. mit den Substantiven der dualen Genera und mit männlichen Personenbezeichnungen mit femininen Endungen - das Niveau eines/einer Muttersprachlers/Muttersprachlerin erreichen. Mit den Substantiven, die variable Genuskongruenz erlauben (weibliche Vornamen mit Suffixes –ik/-ok, Hybridnomen) wurde eine verdeckte Restrukturierung der Sprache beobachtet. Die Sprecher/-innen nutzen die grammatischen Strukturen ohne sichtbare Fehler, aber trotzdem anders als es die Muttersprachler/-innen tun würden. Im Fall der Nutzung der gemischten Kongruenz liegt die Restrukturierung daran, dass die Herkunftssprecher/-innen das generische Maskulinum nicht erwerben. Es sollte jedoch beachtet werden, dass die Nutzung der Genuskongruenz stark vom Sprachniveau eines/einer Sprechers/Sprecherin abhängt. Außerdem wurde festgestellt, dass Referentialität eine besondere Schwierigkeit für die Herkunftssprecher/-innen darstellt. Was die einsprachigen Muttersprachler/-innen angeht, wird es gezeigt, dass die Abhängigkeit dieser Sprecher/-innen bei der Wahl der Genuskongruenz von dem lexikalischen Kriterium die Tendenz der russischen Sprache zum analytischen Sprachbau beweist. / In this dissertation, I raise the issue of the grammatical gender in Russian as a heritage language. In particular, this thesis aims to determine the major principles of use of gender agreement patterns with the four classes of exceptional nouns (hybrids referring to females, common gender nouns, female names ending in -ik/ -ok, male terms and male names ending in -a/ -ja) in heritage Russian. For this purpose, I have conducted an experimental study on gender agreement, which consists of two big tasks, a translation task and a multiple-choice task. A detailed analysis of the results of the study has led to the following conclusions. Advanced heritage speakers are able to achieve the target-like language proficiency in gender agreement in transparent contexts and in some situations of form-meaning mismatch. The use of agreement patterns strongly depends on the speakers’ language proficiency. Less proficient speakers tend to have more problems with referential nouns. Importantly, this dissertation provides evidence for the importance of variability for successful heritage language acquisition. Variability of grammatical structures leads to inconsistency of input which makes it harder for heritage speakers to acquire these structures and leads to incomplete acquisition. As a result, heritage speakers fail to acquire the generic component of the semantic structure of hybrid nouns. This in turn results in the divergence in the use of agreement patterns by monolingual and bilingual speakers with the exceptional nouns, which allow variability (hybrids, female names ending in -ik/ -ok). This divergence is realised without overt errors and represents an example of covert language restructuring. Apart from that, the thesis touches upon the question of the development of standard Russian and provides evidence for the increase of analytic features in the Russian language.

Objectifs : 1) Investiguer si des erreurs d’accord en genre en français oral induisent des réponses neurophysiologiques différentes chez les adultes et les adolescents. 2) Comparer les réponses neurophysiologiques induites par des erreurs d’accord en genre sur les déterminants et sur les adjectifs. Contexte : Le genre féminin en français oral est irrégulièrement marqué par une consonne finale sur les adjectifs ([vɛʁ] / [vɛʁt]) et régulièrement marqué par une alternance vocalique sur les déterminants ([loe] / [la]). Les études d’électroencéphalographie (EEG) ont trouvé que des erreurs d’accord en genre en français oral induisaient chez les adultes des réponses neuronales différentes pour les désaccords sur les adjectifs et ceux sur les déterminants. Des réponses différentes, incomparables à celles des adultes, ont aussi induites chez de jeunes enfants de 4 à 8 ans par les mêmes désaccords. À quel âge ce patron sera comparable à celui des adultes et pour quel processus grammatical n’a pas été étudié exhaustivement. Méthodologie : 29 adultes et 26 (pré)adolescents francophones de 10 à 16 ans ont participé au projet. Les participants ont entendu des phrases contenant un désaccord en genre sur i) le déterminant (Je vois *le chaise vert sur la table) et ii) sur l’adjectif (Je vois la chaise *vert dans la boite). Ils ont aussi entendu des phrases sans erreur. Les potentiels évoqués ont été extraits de la différence de voltage entre les phrases avec erreurs et les phases correctes, et ils ont été insérés dans des modèles mixtes linéaires pour comparer les effets entre les deux groupes. Résultats : Les désaccords sur les déterminants ont induit une négativité antérieure (AN) suivie d’une P600 dans les deux groupes. Les erreurs sur adjectifs ont plutôt induit chez les adultes une négativité latéralisée à gauche en plus d’une une N400 suivie par une P600. Cette condition a induit une N400-P600 chez les adolescents. Ces résultats nous indiquent que le traitement de l’accord en genre du déterminant semble être mature à l’adolescence, ce qui n’est pas le cas pour celui de l’adjectif. De plus, les N400 trouvées pour les deux groupes indiquent une possible lexicalisation du traitement de l’accord des adjectifs en français. / Objectives: 1) Investigate whether neurophysiological responses elicited by spoken French gender agreement errors differ between Quebec adolescents and adults. 2) Compare the response elicited by disagreements on adjectives and determiners. Context: Spoken French gender agreement is irregularly marked on adjectives by a final consonant ([vɛʁ] / [vɛʁt]), whereas it is regularly marked on determiners by a regular final vowel alternation ([loe] / [la]). Electroencephalography (EEG) studies have found that gender agreement violations on French adjectives and determiners elicited different patterns in adults. Different patterns, however, incomparable to those found in adults, were also found in young children aged 4-8 years old. At what age and for which grammatical process the EEG response will be comparable to adults have yet to be fully explored. Methods: 29 adults and 26 French-speaking (pre)adolescents aged 10-16 years old participated in this project. Participants heard sentences containing gender disagreements on i) determiners (Je vois *le chaise vert sur la table ‘I see *theM green chairF on the table) ii) on adjectives (Je vois la chaise *vert dans la boite ‘I see the *greenM chairF in the box) iii) sentences with on disagreements. Event-related potentials were extracted by comparing the voltage difference between correct and incorrect sentences; they were then fitted into mixed linear models to compare group differences. Results: Violations on determiners elicited an anterior negativity (AN) followed by a P600 in both groups. Adjective errors elicited, in adults, a lateralized negativity (LN) and a N400 followed by a P600. This condition elicited a N400-P600 in adolescents. These results indicate that French determiner gender agreement seems to be mature in adolescents, which is not the case for adjective gender agreement. Furthermore, the presence of N400 in both groups for adjective mismatches points towards a lexicalisation of adjective gender agreement.