Kinesiska och miao-språket hmu har nära kontakt med varandra och påverkan från kinesiskan har iakttagits i hmu på lexikal och fonologisk nivå. Denna studie undersöker hur påverkan från kinesiskan ser ut även på syntaktisk nivå i fråga om användningen av genitiv och nominalisering. På kinesiska uttrycks detta med en och samma partikel, vilken har en motsvarighet i hmu. Studien delades upp i två delar: en korpusundersökning och en meningsanalys över två olika upplagor av Nya testamentet på hmu. I den tidigare upplagan användes den partikel flitigt som på hmu sägs uttrycka genitiv och nominalisering och korpusundersökningen visade en minskad användning av denna partikel i den senare upplagan av Nya testamentet. Meningsanalysen visade att kinesisk påverkan finns på användningen av genitiv men inte på nominalisering i hmu. Med detta har vi fått en klarare bild av hur kinesisk påverkan ser ut på just dessa syntaktiska funktioner i hmu. / The Chinese language and the Miao Language Hmu live in close contact with each other. The influence from Chinese has been noted in the language of Hmu in both lexicon and phonology. This research examines what the influence from the Chinese language looks like in the syntax of Hmu when it comes to genitive and nominalization. In Chinese this is expressed with one single particle, which has an equivalent in Hmu. The research is divided into two parts: a corpus study and an analysis of sentences based on two different editions of the New Testament in Hmu. In the earliest edition the Hmu particle, which is said to express genitive and nominalization, is used frequently and the corpus study showed a decreased usage of this particle in the later edition of the New Testament. The analysis of sentences showed that there is a Chinese influence on the usage of genitive but not on the nominalization. The picture of what Chinese influence looks like on these particular syntactic functions in Hmu is now clearer.

This diploma thesis deals with the topic of the variation in genitive and dative government. The subject of analysis are the following thirteen prepositions: (an)statt, innerhalb, längs, mangels, mittels, trotz, während, wegen, zugunsten/zu Gunsten; binnen, dank, laut, zufolge. The aim of the thesis is to capture the use of the mentioned prepositions as detailed as possible. The focus is on the question and the attempt to determine in which cases within the variation in prepositional case government in the written language one or the other case is preferred and whether certain tendencies or systematics common to all thirteen prepositions can be followed. The prepositions are analysed by means of nine selected sources (both dictionaries and grammar books) and German reference corpus.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze how post-nominal of-phrases are translated from English to Swedish in a non-fiction text about the musician Dave Grohl and his band Foo Fighters. The analysis is both quantitative and qualitative. The of-phrases are categorized according to Keizer’s (2007) categories, and the results show that most of-phrases are translated to prepositional phrases, although it differs which prepositions are used, depending on the type of ofphrase. For of-phrases of the possession-type, i is the most common preposition, and for compound-like of-phrases, av is the most common preposition. Of-phrases of possession-type are also frequently translated into genitive constructions, especially if the possessor is animate or syntactically light. Other structural changes also occur in the translation, although no pattern was found for this strategy in the analysis.

Este trabalho trata da organização de sintagmas nominais no armênio, revelando uma interação peculiar entre a expressão de definitude e a marcação morfológica de Caso e as conseqüências dessa relação para a organização estrutural desta língua. Mostra se que os sintagmas nominais são interpretados como definidos como resultado de atribuição de Caso estrutural, e que existe uma assimetria entre os Casos estruturais e os Casos inerentes quanto à atribuição de definitude. Como ponto de partida, discute-se o estatuto do sufixo n/y, chamado de artigo definido pela gramática tradicional do armênio. A investigação das propriedades morfossintáticas desse sufixo mostra que o mesmo é uma marca com características mistas, que atua na atribuição de definitude e Caso de uma maneira não atestada nas línguas naturais e questiona o recorte entre as funções de Caso e os meios de expressão de definitude. Baseando-nos nos trabalhos de Chomsky (1986b), Longobardi (1994) e Giusti (2002), propomos a reanálise do sufixo -n/y como uma marca de Caso estrutural, que transforma os sintagmas nominais em argumentos sintáticos, e é associada ao nível DP na estrutura frasal. Ademais, mostra-se que a ausência de marcação de Caso estrutural resulta numa série de restrições semântico-sintáticas nos sintagmas nominais (nus), a mais proeminente sendo o movimento desses sintagmas para uma posição antes do verbo, seguidos imediatamente pelo auxiliar. Isso leva a diferentes ordens superficiais para sintagmas marcados por Caso estrutural (SVO) e sintagmas nus (SOauxV). Tal evidência, junto com o quadro das características dos sintagmas nus no armênio, leva à análise dos mesmos como pseudo-incorporados, conforme proposto por Massam (2001) para o niueano, com a diferença de que o sintagma nu se adjunge à projeção funcional TP no armênio, sem passar pela operação de alçamento do predicado. Quanto à expressão de definitude nos Casos inerentes, mostramos que em contraste com os sintagmas nos Casos estruturais, que podem aparecer com ou sem marcação aberta de Caso e ter, respectivamente, leitura definida ou indefinida, os inerentes devem sempre carregar a morfologia casual e são ambíguos quanto à definitude. Nesse aspecto, analisamos as projeções nominais Genitivas e constatamos que, apesar da aparente semelhança superficial, as mesmas exibem propriedades distintas que correspondem a duas estruturas internas diferentes do sintagma nominal, viii podendo ser caracterizadas como duas classes distintas: o Genitivo Referencial, que aparece em Spec/DP e é interpretado como definido por se associar ao nível DP, e o Genitivo Modificador, que permanece no domínio do NP no percurso da derivação. As conclusões a que chegamos provam que mesmo sem possuir um artigo definido canônico, o armênio oferece evidências a favor da postulação do nível DP como universal, responsável pelas interpretações definidas dos sintagmas nominais. Nos Casos estruturais, a definitude vem da atribuição de Caso, enquanto no Genitivo (um exemplo de Caso inerente) vem da posição ocupada dentro do sintagma nominal. Por conseguinte, o presente trabalho traz uma contribuição teórica valiosa para a análise unificada das projeções nominais, além de auxiliar na elucidação de alguns assuntos empíricos controversos do armênio e abrir caminho para pesquisas futuras. / This thesis investigates the structural organization of noun phrases in Armenian, an Indo-European language with mixed properties, focusing on the interaction between Case and (in)definiteness. The main claim of the study is that, contrary to traditional view, Armenian has no (definite) article, and definiteness in this language is a result of structural Case marking on NPs. This claim has implications for the analysis of bare nominals as NPs that lack both Case and referential properties and are syntactically restricted to a peculiar configuration, resulting in different superficial orders for Case-marked (SVO) and bare noun phrases (SOauxV). Moreover, this analysis casts light on a rather intriguing question of how definiteness is expressed in inherent Cases. It is shown that, unlike structural Cases, which express a direct correlation between definiteness and Case, inherent Cases, more precisely Genitive NPs, are interpreted as (in)definite by associating themselves to distinct structural positions. The starting point of our discussion is the re-analysis of the suffix -n/y, traditionally classified as a definite article. Highlighting Case and (in)definiteness as two independent conditions on argumenthood (Chomsky (1986b), Longobardi (1994), Giusti (2002)) that are closely correlated in Armenian, we argue that this suffix is in fact a structural Case marker, which turns nominals into syntactic arguments, and is associated with DP level. Focusing on the morpho-syntactic behavior of bare nominals in Armenian, it is shown that in the absence of structural Case marking, their distribution is syntactically restricted to a position in which they appear to the left of the verb and must be adjacent to the auxiliary. This distribution is accounted for by adopting the pseudo-incorporation analysis of Massam (2001). We show that bare nouns in Armenian exhibit typical properties of pseudo-incorporated nominals, as lack of reference, number-neutrality, phrasal nature, among others. Turning our attention to Genitive constructions, which always appear with Case morphology, we analyze a number of properties that superficially distinguish two (main) types, which we propose to call Referential and Modifying Genitives. The difference between them is syntactic, as they have different structural representations: Spec/DP for Referential and NP domain for Modifying Genitive. x As a result, we conclude that there exists an asymmetry between inherent and structural Cases as to how they express definiteness. Moreover, we conclude that in spite of the fact that Armenian does not have canonical (definite) article, a DP level must be postulated for this language, as a projection responsible for the referentiality/definiteness of the noun phrases. Thus, this study contributes to the outgoing debates about the precise functions of D as universal category and provides a valuable theoretical contribution to the cross-linguistic investigations of nominal projections.

Adverbiale Kasus sind Substantivgruppen ohne Präposition, die im Satz die Funktion einer temporalen, lokalen oder modalen Adverbialbestimmung erfüllen. Im Satz treten sie in der Regel als Adjunkte auf und sind in ihrer Form syntaktisch unabhängig. Das Ziel der vorliegenden Dissertation ist, adverbiale Kasus des Deutschen anhand zahlreicher Belege sowohl synchron als auch diachron aus verschiedenen Perspektiven zu beschreiben. In den älteren Sprachstufen sind adverbiale Kasus häufig belegt. Bis zum Gegenwartsdeutschen wurden viele davon adverbialisiert, durch Präpositionalphrasen ersetzt oder sind zu Phraseologismen erstarrt. In dieser Arbeit wird auf die semantisch-lexikalischen Restriktionen, Struktur, interne Ausfüllung bzw. Besetzung, Bezugsmöglichkeiten, Bedeutungen und die stilistischen Besonderheiten adverbialer Kasus ausführlich eingegangen. / Adverbial case is a noun phrase without preposition, functioning as the adverbial modifier of time, place or manner in a sentence. Syntactically they usually serve as adjuncts and are independent in their form. The aim of the present investigation was to describe the German adverbial case synchronically and diachronically on the basis of a large number of speech samples from different points of view. Adverbial cases have been very frequent at the earlier stages of German. Many of them have been adverbialised, replaced by prepositional phrases or have turned into phraseologisms in the course of language development up to the modern German. The present doctor thesis provides a detailed study of the lexical-semantic restrictions of the adverbial cases as well as of their structure and inner filling, their relation to other sentence constituents, aspects of their meaning and stylistic peculiarities.

The goal of this dissertation is to propose and develop theoretical linguistic basis for the branch of Czech as a foreign language. Specifically, it deals with the complex linguistic description of Czech grammar in the function of a foreign language, which would introduce a theoretical solution for the processing of didactic grammars of Czech for foreigners. This description is supposed to provide such a range of linguistic information, which depending on the purpose, enables the variable processing of language structures and simultaneously clarifying the relationships and connections between them. Above mentioned linguistic description of Czech as a foreign language is focused on a specific group of non-native speakers, in our case, a group of non-native speakers, whose mother tongue is German. As it is a model process of description in this dissertation, the attention is only paid to the selected grammatical categories of Czech, namely the grammatical category of the genitive of substantives and verbal aspect. The issue of the description of the grammar of a natural language is initially discussed in general terms, in the part where we define the types of grammars that are relevant to our work. Subsequently we characterize both languages, i.e. Czech and German, in the terms of their differentiation, stratification and typological point of view. The particular linguistic description and its model application, which is the core of this work, is called a modified linguistic description with the reference to Dolník J. (1993). This description is based on five sources. These are the theoretical works of leading Czech and Slovak linguists, dealing with the issue of natural language and works describing Czech grammar. Further starting points for the proposed comprehensive description of Czech grammar is to define particular reference levels according to SERR for Czech as a foreign language, a research unit focused on the target group of non-native speakers and their perception of the difficulties of Czech grammatical phenomena, and last but not least, the research probe carried out in the particular corpora of the Czech National Corpus.

Cette thèse de doctorat a pour objectif de décrire la situation actuelle de la langue iaai (langue océanienne, famille austronésienne) et de proposer une analyse de ses dynamismes d’évolution. En tant que langue kanak minoritaire de Nouvelle-Calédonie, inscrite dans un contexte de contact de langues intense avec le français, le iaai connait des changements importants tant linguistiques que sociolinguistiques. Cette thèse adopte un angle d’approche à la fois double et complémentaire. D’une part, il est question de proposer une évaluation de la vitalité sociolinguistique du iaai aujourd’hui en croisant différents facteurs relevant du contexte social et ethnolinguistique dont la variété des profils de locuteurs typiques des langues en danger. D’autre part, l’analyse porte sur les évolutions au sein même du fonctionnement du iaai en abordant trois thèmes particulièrement intéressants de cette langue : (i) les changements dans le système des classificateurs possessifs ; (ii) les stratégies de néologie et de modernisation du lexique ; (iii) le cas particulier des emprunts de verbes. L’étude de ces changements s’appuie les travaux de description du iaai de la linguiste Françoise Ozanne-Rivierre (1976, 1984) auxquels sont comparés des données modernes collectées lors de trois enquêtes de terrain menées à Ouvéa depuis 2009, ainsi que grâce à une collaboration soutenue avec une informatrice, locutrice native, à Lyon. Au final, ce travail de recherche met en exergue l’entrelacement de différentes dynamiques entre modernisation, obsolescence et résilience linguistique en iaai. / This PhD thesis describes the current situation of Iaai (an Oceanic language from the Austronesian family) and provides an analysis of its dynamics. As a minority Kanak language of New Caledonia, engaged in a process of intense contact with French, Iaai is experiencing significant changes both on a linguistic and sociolinguistic aspect. This thesis adopts an approach that is both dual and complementary. On the one hand, it offers an evaluation of modern Iaai’s sociolinguistic vitality, crossing different factors from the social and ethno-linguistic context together with the high variety of speakers, typical of endangered languages. On the other hand, the analysis focuses on language change by addressing three particularly interesting themes in Iaai: (i) evolution in the system of possessive classifiers; (ii) strategies of neology and of modernization of the lexicon; (iii) the particular case of verbal borrowings. The study of these changes is based on the linguistic description of Iaai made by Françoise Ozanne-Rivierre (1976, 1984) which is compared with modern data collected during three fieldworks conducted in Ouvea since 2009, as well as through sustained collaboration with a native speaker informant in Lyon. Finally, this research highlights the intertwining of different dynamics in Iaai between modernization, obsolescence and linguistic resilience.

Este trabalho trata da organização de sintagmas nominais no armênio, revelando uma interação peculiar entre a expressão de definitude e a marcação morfológica de Caso e as conseqüências dessa relação para a organização estrutural desta língua. Mostra se que os sintagmas nominais são interpretados como definidos como resultado de atribuição de Caso estrutural, e que existe uma assimetria entre os Casos estruturais e os Casos inerentes quanto à atribuição de definitude. Como ponto de partida, discute-se o estatuto do sufixo n/y, chamado de artigo definido pela gramática tradicional do armênio. A investigação das propriedades morfossintáticas desse sufixo mostra que o mesmo é uma marca com características mistas, que atua na atribuição de definitude e Caso de uma maneira não atestada nas línguas naturais e questiona o recorte entre as funções de Caso e os meios de expressão de definitude. Baseando-nos nos trabalhos de Chomsky (1986b), Longobardi (1994) e Giusti (2002), propomos a reanálise do sufixo -n/y como uma marca de Caso estrutural, que transforma os sintagmas nominais em argumentos sintáticos, e é associada ao nível DP na estrutura frasal. Ademais, mostra-se que a ausência de marcação de Caso estrutural resulta numa série de restrições semântico-sintáticas nos sintagmas nominais (nus), a mais proeminente sendo o movimento desses sintagmas para uma posição antes do verbo, seguidos imediatamente pelo auxiliar. Isso leva a diferentes ordens superficiais para sintagmas marcados por Caso estrutural (SVO) e sintagmas nus (SOauxV). Tal evidência, junto com o quadro das características dos sintagmas nus no armênio, leva à análise dos mesmos como pseudo-incorporados, conforme proposto por Massam (2001) para o niueano, com a diferença de que o sintagma nu se adjunge à projeção funcional TP no armênio, sem passar pela operação de alçamento do predicado. Quanto à expressão de definitude nos Casos inerentes, mostramos que em contraste com os sintagmas nos Casos estruturais, que podem aparecer com ou sem marcação aberta de Caso e ter, respectivamente, leitura definida ou indefinida, os inerentes devem sempre carregar a morfologia casual e são ambíguos quanto à definitude. Nesse aspecto, analisamos as projeções nominais Genitivas e constatamos que, apesar da aparente semelhança superficial, as mesmas exibem propriedades distintas que correspondem a duas estruturas internas diferentes do sintagma nominal, viii podendo ser caracterizadas como duas classes distintas: o Genitivo Referencial, que aparece em Spec/DP e é interpretado como definido por se associar ao nível DP, e o Genitivo Modificador, que permanece no domínio do NP no percurso da derivação. As conclusões a que chegamos provam que mesmo sem possuir um artigo definido canônico, o armênio oferece evidências a favor da postulação do nível DP como universal, responsável pelas interpretações definidas dos sintagmas nominais. Nos Casos estruturais, a definitude vem da atribuição de Caso, enquanto no Genitivo (um exemplo de Caso inerente) vem da posição ocupada dentro do sintagma nominal. Por conseguinte, o presente trabalho traz uma contribuição teórica valiosa para a análise unificada das projeções nominais, além de auxiliar na elucidação de alguns assuntos empíricos controversos do armênio e abrir caminho para pesquisas futuras. / This thesis investigates the structural organization of noun phrases in Armenian, an Indo-European language with mixed properties, focusing on the interaction between Case and (in)definiteness. The main claim of the study is that, contrary to traditional view, Armenian has no (definite) article, and definiteness in this language is a result of structural Case marking on NPs. This claim has implications for the analysis of bare nominals as NPs that lack both Case and referential properties and are syntactically restricted to a peculiar configuration, resulting in different superficial orders for Case-marked (SVO) and bare noun phrases (SOauxV). Moreover, this analysis casts light on a rather intriguing question of how definiteness is expressed in inherent Cases. It is shown that, unlike structural Cases, which express a direct correlation between definiteness and Case, inherent Cases, more precisely Genitive NPs, are interpreted as (in)definite by associating themselves to distinct structural positions. The starting point of our discussion is the re-analysis of the suffix -n/y, traditionally classified as a definite article. Highlighting Case and (in)definiteness as two independent conditions on argumenthood (Chomsky (1986b), Longobardi (1994), Giusti (2002)) that are closely correlated in Armenian, we argue that this suffix is in fact a structural Case marker, which turns nominals into syntactic arguments, and is associated with DP level. Focusing on the morpho-syntactic behavior of bare nominals in Armenian, it is shown that in the absence of structural Case marking, their distribution is syntactically restricted to a position in which they appear to the left of the verb and must be adjacent to the auxiliary. This distribution is accounted for by adopting the pseudo-incorporation analysis of Massam (2001). We show that bare nouns in Armenian exhibit typical properties of pseudo-incorporated nominals, as lack of reference, number-neutrality, phrasal nature, among others. Turning our attention to Genitive constructions, which always appear with Case morphology, we analyze a number of properties that superficially distinguish two (main) types, which we propose to call Referential and Modifying Genitives. The difference between them is syntactic, as they have different structural representations: Spec/DP for Referential and NP domain for Modifying Genitive. x As a result, we conclude that there exists an asymmetry between inherent and structural Cases as to how they express definiteness. Moreover, we conclude that in spite of the fact that Armenian does not have canonical (definite) article, a DP level must be postulated for this language, as a projection responsible for the referentiality/definiteness of the noun phrases. Thus, this study contributes to the outgoing debates about the precise functions of D as universal category and provides a valuable theoretical contribution to the cross-linguistic investigations of nominal projections.

How to teach English as a second or foreign language has been heatedly debated as long as the subject has been taught. One of the many issues regarding the teaching of English as a second or foreign language is the issue of whether or not to teach grammar, and if we teach it, how should we go about it?   This study examines two different approaches to teaching English grammar at the Swedish upper-secondary school level. Experiments were conducted in four different groups of students (a total of 64 informants were used), all from the same upper-secondary school in a medium-sized Swedish city. The experiments were based on teaching the genitive construction to the informants during a 75-minute class. The results were analyzed mainly quantitatively with the help of test results from the 64 informants; the aspect of gender differences in the results was also analyzed.   According to the study, one of the approaches seemed to be slightly superior to the other. There were also factors (other than the test results) which may speak in favour of one approach rather than the other.

Orientador: Jairo Morais Nunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T17:40:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Avelar_JuanitoOrnelasde_D.pdf: 1192036 bytes, checksum: 6252cfc9c58a128f0134f60e514a64a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: À luz da versão minimalista da Teoria de Princípios e Parâmetros (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001), esta tese focaliza constituintes preposicionados adnominais no português brasileiro, estabelecendo um quadro formal para capturar propriedades sintáticas e semânticas observadas em adjuntos introduzidos por de, em, com e para. A análise explora a idéia de que os adjuntos adnominais introduzidos por de não devem ser tratados como constituintes preposicionados, mas DPs/NPs que ganham a preposição tardiamente, no componente morfo-fonológico. Para os sintagmas introduzidos por em, com, para e certas preposições complexas (do tipo dentro de, em cima de, atrás de etc.), defende-se a hipótese de que esses constituintes dispõem de uma arquitetura clausal, abarcando categorias paralelas às identificadas no domínio sentencial (Koopman (1997), Den Dikken (2003)). Dentro dessa arquitetura, DPs podem ser inicialmente inseridos na posição de especificador da categoria p (light preposition), no sentido proposto por Svenonius (2004a). O estudo também recorre à proposta de Hornstein, Nunes & Pietroski (2006) em torno da configuração de adjunção, mostrando que a noção de adjunção sem rótulo defendida por esses autores é capaz de capturar uma série de fatos que envolvem a extração tanto de constituintes preposicionados quanto de sintagmas nominais modificados por tais constituintes. O estudo conclui que as principais diferenças entre os adjuntos introduzidos por de, de um lado, e por em, com e para, de outro, se devem exatamente ao fato de aqueles não portarem uma estrutura clausal, mas se configurarem como verdadeiros DPs/NPs / Abstract: Adopting the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001), this thesis concentrates on adnominal prepositional phrases in Brazilian Portuguese, proposing a formal picture to account for syntatic and semantic properties of adjuncts introduced by de 'of¿, em 'in, on¿, com 'with¿ e para 'for¿. I explore the idea that adnominal adjuncts introduced by de are not prepositional phrases, but DPs/NPs that receive the preposition only in the PF branch. In respect of em, com, para and some complex prepositions, it is considered that phrases introduced by such items exhibit a clausal architecture, with categories similar to the ones identified in sentential domains (Koopman (1997), Den Dikken (2003)). It will be proposed that modified DPs can be inserted in the specifier position of p (light preposition), following Svenonius (2004a). The analysis also explore Hornstein, Nunes & Pietroski¿s (2006) proposal for adjunct configurations, showing that the notion of unlabeled adjunction is capable of explaining relevant properties involving the extraction of prepositional phrases and modified nominal constituents. The thesis concludes that the main semantic and syntatic differences between de and em/com/para adjuncts result from the fact that de adnominal phrases don¿t have a prepositional clausal structure, but correspond to true DPs/NPs in the syntax / Doutorado / Doutor em Linguística