Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Grondhervorming en dit wat daarmee gepaard gaan, is een van die hoekstene van die normalisering van ons samelewing en is sedert 1994 deel van die transformasieproses. Die huidige regering gaan uit van die oortuiging dat blywende vrede nie verkry kan word sonder dat dié ongelykhede reggestel word nie. Is daar ‘n antwoord op Suid-Afrika se ongelyke grondbesit, en kan kontrakboerdery 'n rol speel in die oorbrugging van die probleme? Een van die belangrikste aspekte van die regstelling van die ongeregtighede van die verlede, is die uitwissing van armoede, en in hierdie verband is Landbou 'n belangrike rolspeler. Ten einde armoede te bestry en werk te skep, moet die toekomstige generasie bemagtig word deur eienaarskap te versprei. Die Wet op Inheemse Grond van 1913, die Inheemse Trust- en Grondwet van 1936, en die Groepsgebiedewet van 1950 het swart Suid-Afrikaners die geleentheid ontneem om plaaseenhede te besit en te bedryf in die blanke gebiede van Suid- Afrika wat, soos ons almal weet, verreweg die grootste gedeelte van die land asook die meer produktiewe boerderygrond uitgemaak het. Die grondhervormingsproses streef om die erfenis van hierdie wette ongedaan te maak. Sedert die Suid-Afrikaanse grondhervormingsprogram in 1994 van stapel gestuur is, heers daar groot debat oor die beleid, implementeringstrategieë en die impak van sodanige pogings op landbougrond, die lewens van die bevoordeeldes, en die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie. Met die toename in skaal en kompleksiteit van grondhervorming het dit al hoe moeiliker vir die Regering geword om die proses te monitor en te evalueer. Dit is nou alombekend dat, behalwe vir kwantitatiewe aanwysings, daar baie leemtes bestaan in die inligting oor grondhervorming. In die lig van die veranderende aard van wêreld-landbou- en voedselmarkte en die voortspruitende behoefte vir vertikale integrasie van die voedselverskaffingskettings, het hierdie werkstuk ten doel om die rol van kontrakboerdery as 'n instelling te ondersoek, ten einde die voortgesette deelname te verseker van kleinboere in ontwikkelende lande in die markte vir hoëwaarde produkte. Die klem val spesifiek op die Suid-Afrikaanse omstandighede vir grondhervorming. Die werkstuk bespreek die teoretiese rasionaal van kontrakboerdery, en illustreer hoe dié vorm van boerdery aangewend kan word om markmislukkings en a-simmetriese informasieprobleme te oorkom. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land reform and associated matters are some of the cornerstones of the normalizing of our society and have been part of the transformation process since 1994. The present regime is of the conviction that lasting peace cannot be achieved without such unequalities being addressed. Is there an answer to unequal ownership of land in South Africa, and can contract farming play a role in bridging these problems? One of the most important aspects of the unrighteousness of the past, is poverty and in its eradication, agriculture is an important role player. In order to combat poverty and create jobs, the future generation must be empowered by ownership of the economy. The Indigenous Land Act of 1913, The Indigenous Trust and Land Act of 1936, and the Group Areas Act of 1950 deprived Black South Africans of the opportunity to own and run farming units within the white areas of South Africa that, as we all know, formed by far the largest part of the land as well as the more productive farming land. The land reformation process strives to annul the legacy of those laws. Since the South African land reform program was started in 1994, a heated debate has raged about the policy, implementation stategies, and impact of such efforts on agricultural land, the lives of the beneficiaries, and the South African economy. With the increase in scale and complexity of land reform, it became more and more difficult for the regime to monitor and evaluate the process. It is now common knowledge that, except for qualitative indications, many shortcomings are apparent in the information on land reform. In light of the changing nature of world agricultural and food markets and the subsequent need for vertical integration of the food-supply chains, this study aims at investigating the role of contract farming as an institution, in order to ensure the continued participation of small farmers in developing countries in the markets for high-value products. The emphasis falls specifically on the South African conditions for land reform. This study describes the theoretical rationale of contract farming, and illustrates how this form of farming can be applied to overcome market fiascos and assimmetrical information problems.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / Africa is the continent where home sapiens was born and with its worn out soils, fitful rain and rising population could very well provide a glimpse of our species’ future. The trends that are behind the current deterioration in food security go far beyond agriculture itself. South Africa is food secure at a national level and has been meeting its food needs from domestic sources in the past twenty years. However, in spite of its food secure status, 35% or 14.3 million South Africans are vulnerable to food insecurity. Food security challenges appear to be considerable against a backdrop of a South Africa being a net importer of wheat together with local cereal production that can fluctuate by up to 36% between years. It is unknown to what extend the true impact of climate change might affect this and other agricultural activity; a declining indigenous population as the HIV/AIDS pandemic takes effect; a population poorly endowed with an entitlement to gain access to sufficient food and nutrition; a dependency on oil for energy resulting in an outflow of foreign exchange, expensive agriculture and agricultural crops changed into fuel crops and markets that allocates the limited resources, but not feeding the needy poor. Considering the above, the determinants of food security for South Africa were grouped under the following headings: - Entitlement - Demography - Agriculture - Energy - Climate change - Markets. Nobody who has money to pay for food is starving therefore, given the pervasiveness of malnutrition, the money made by merchants in the food trade does seem an affront to common notions of economic justice. The economic and political point is missed when merchants are blamed for conditions that promoted huge food imports and malnutrition. Merchants are not interested in famine but in commercial markets. These merchants thrive upon a system that excludes the hungry. Recent protectionist behaviour by food export countries and the structural shift in the demand of food require South Africa to evaluate its food security determinants. South Africa requires accurate policies to guide its food security efforts towards 2030.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: It is estimated that 70% of sub-Saharan Africa’s urban population resides in informal settlements. Cape Town (South Africa), in particular, has a projected 223 informal settlements within its boundaries (which house almost 136 000 households). The national government has attempted to meet housing needs through the upgrading of informal settlements. In situ upgrading has been seen as a particularly popular route to follow. This study aimed to investigate the City of Cape Town’s governmentality in the in situ upgrading of Makhaza and New Rest in Cape Town and explore the implications of this governmentality for women’s social networks in these two settlements. The study focused on the governmentality elements of rationalities, practices and techniques and counter-conduct. A review of the literature shows little attention has been paid to the various governmentalities (practice, techniques and rationalities) that exist within informal settlement upgrading. The literature has also not paid much attention to how the governmentality of those undertaking informal settlement upgrading, relates to women’s social networks (and their governmentality) within upgraded sites. The research made use of qualitatively-driven methodologies and approaches, employing the techniques of Neighbourhood Social Mapping, Social Network Assessment (SNA), semi-structured interviews, questionnaires, transect walks, observational studies and secondary data gathering. The study found, amongst other things, that the governmentality (rationalities, techniques and practices) used by the City to plan and implement the upgrading of informal settlements differs from that of the women’s social networks. The profound differences in governmentalities have meant that the settlements do not meet the needs of the women and their social networks. In response the women have redesigned their new settlement to meet the needs of their social networks. Integral Theory is used in this thesis to map and better understand the differing governmentalities and their relationship and was used to propose an Integral approach in managing differing governmentalities. The thesis suggests that, in order to understand fully and respond appropriately to the challenges faced in upgrading, those in power need to be aware of and include all perspectives and actors within their upgrading process and practice. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Daar word beraam dat 70% van sub-Sahara Afrika se stedelike populasie in informele nedersettings woon. Kaapstad (Suid-Afrika), spesifiek, het ‘n beraamde 223 informele nedersettings binne die grense (wat omtrent 136 000 huishoudings huisves). Die nasionale regering het onderneem om behuisings behoefte te voorsien deur die opgradering van informele nedersettings. In situ opgradering is gesien as ‘n besonder gewilde roete om te volg. Hierdie studie het gepoog om die City of Cape Town (die Stad) se governmentality te ondersoek in die opgradering van Makhaza en New Rest in Kaapstad. So ook om die implikasies van hierdie governmentality vir vroue se sosiale netwerke in hierdie nedersettings te verken. Die studie het gefokus op die governmentality (regeringsmentaliteit) beginsels van rationaliteite, praktyke en tegnieke en teen-optrede. ‘n Oorsig van die literatuur toon min aandag is geskenk aan die verskillende governmentalities wat binne opgraderingsprojekte vir informele nedersettings bestaan. Die literatuur het ook nie veel aandag gegee aan hoe die governmentality van die onderneming van die informele nedersettings met betrekking tot vroue se sosiale netwerke (en hul governmentality) binne opgradeerde terreine. Die navorsing het gebruik gemaak van kwaliteits gedrewe metodologie en benaderings, die gebruik van tegnieke van omgewing sosiale kartering, sosiale netwerk beraming, semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude, vraelyste, deursnee wandeling, waarnemings studies en sekondêre data insameling. Die studie het onder andere bevind dat die governmentality (rationaliteite, tegnieke en praktyke), soos gebruik deur die Stad om opgradering van informele nedersettings te beplan en implimenteer, verskil van die van die vroue se sosiale netwerke. Die diepgaande verskille in governmentalities het gelei daartoe dat die nedersettings nie voldoen aan die behoeftes van die vroue en hul sosiale netwerke nie. In reaksie daarop het die vroue die nuwe nedersetting herontwerp om in hul sosiale netwerk behoeftes te voorsien. Integrale Teorie is in hierdie tesis gebruik om die verskille in governmentalities en hul verwantskappe uiteen te sit en beter te kan verstaan en ook om die Integrale benadering in die hantering van verskillende governmetnalities voor te stel. Die tesis dui daarop dat in orde om ten volle te verstaan en toepaslik te reageer op die uitdagings wat gepaard gaan met opgradering moet die wat in beheer is van alle perspektiewe en akteurs binne die opgraderings proses bewus wees en dit in ag neem.

Thesis (MEd (Education Policy Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / This thesis explores pluralist perspectives on literacy in the context of the Literacy and Numeracy (LITNUM) Strategy of the Western Cape Education Department. My argument is that we need to move beyond functional or technical conceptions of literacy towards a recognition of its transformative potential. That is, the concept of literacy needs to be stretched to incorporate pluralist perspectives in order to achieve developmental aspirations. Following a literature review approach, I construct three constitutive meanings of literacy, namely “cognitive skills”, “social context” and “development”, and I investigate how the LITNUM Strategy conforms to these constitutive meanings of literacy. My finding is that LITNUM is based on a constructivist learning theory. I caution that when understandings of learning theories are viewed exclusively from one perspective, literacy becomes “compacted”, and we miss out on important considerations of literacy and its transformative potential. I show that LITNUM discusses several social contextual factors related to literacy; a recognition of the impact of social issues on literacy. Regarding LITNUM’s concern with development, I conclude that both functional and critical literacy as important aspects of development are not sufficiently addressed. In a nutshell: LITNUM focuses on technical skills, which need to be balanced with the notion that literacy is a social act, and that it has the potential to transform societies. I propose a “literacy of thoughtfulness”, based on compassion, love and care. This proposition forms the basis for possible future research.

Thesis (DPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this dissertation I explore people’s perceptions of the causes of poverty. Literature reveals that there are three broad theoretical explanations of perceptions of the causes of poverty: individualistic explanations, where blame is placed squarely on the poor themselves; structural explanations, where poverty is blamed on external social and economic forces; and fatalistic explanations, which attribute poverty to factors such as bad luck or illness. Furthermore, the findings of studies reviewed showed that these explanations interact with socio-economic and demographic variables such as race, geographical location, education, lived poverty index (LPI), living standard measure (LSM) and employment. I therefore critically examine explanations of poverty among South Africans as measured by individualistic, structural and fatalistic dimensions and how it interacts with the socio-economic and demographic variables. Employing a national representative survey of 3510 adults aged 18 and older conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council between 18 April and 30 May 2006 the findings of the present study confirmed most of the theoretical arguments cited in the literature. For instance, South Africans, in general, perceive the causes of poverty in structural terms, but a large proportion of respondents also perceive the causes of poverty in individualistic terms. Access to basic necessities influenced perceptions of the causes of poverty since the poor mostly perceived poverty in structural rather than individualistic terms. White South Africans in contrast to black Africans perceive the causes of poverty mostly in individualistic terms. Coloured respondents are the most fatalistic in their perceptions of the causes of poverty. Further analysis show that respondents living in traditional areas compared to those in urban formal areas are less likely to have structural perceptions of the causes of poverty. This is a very interesting finding because my examination on the extent of lived poverty in showed that the urban formal areas have the smallest proportion of respondents that have gone without basic necessities over the past year if contrasted to the traditional, rural formal and urban informal areas. I found that education had no significant impact on structural perceptions of the causes of poverty. In spite of my assessment of the extent of access to basic necessities which revealed that a large proportion of respondents with primary education compared to those with tertiary education go without these basic necessities. In addition, the study found that the relationship between the socio-economic and demographic variables and the structural, individualistic and fatalistic perceptions of the causes of poverty is considerably more complex and that it is possible for the race group, level of education, employment status and geographical location of the respondent all to interact in a multidimensional manner and have an impact on how the causes of poverty is perceived. However, the three linear regressions examining the relationship between the socio-economic and demographic variables and the structural, individualistic and fatalistic perceptions of the causes of poverty should be interpreted with caution because the explanatory power of the three regression models is quite weak (as indicated by Adjusted R²). In sum, the present study is extremely relevant in many ways and makes a unique contribution at both a methodological and policy level. Methodologically, the findings showed that the LPI may contribute to the proposed poverty line suggested for South Africa. As such, the findings offer a valuable message for the country’s decision makers about South Africans’ perceptions of the causes of poverty. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die persepsies van die publiek met verwysing na die oorsake van armoede. Die literatuur dui op drie breë teoretiese verklarings aangaande persepsies oor die oorsake van armoede: individualistiese verklarings wat die blaam vierkantig op die armes self plaas, strukturele verklarings wat armoede toeskryf aan eksterne sosiale en ekonomiese magte en dan fatalistiese verklarings wat armoede toeskryf aan faktore soos die noodlot of siekte. Navorsing toon dat hierdie verklarings in interaksie met sosio-demografies, ekonomiese veranderlikes soos ras, geografiese ligging, opvoeding, indiensneming; die ‘Lived Poverty Index’ en geslag verkeer. Die huidige verhandeling ondersoek dus krities die verklarings, in terme van armoede onder Suid-Afrikaners, soos gemeet deur die individualistiese, strukturele en fatalistiese dimensies en hul interaksie met sosio-demografiese en ekonomiese veranderlikes. ‘n Nasionale verteenwoordingende opname van 3,510 volwassenes, 18 jaar en ouer wat tussen 18 April en 30 Mei 2009 deur die Raad vir Geesteswetenskaplike Navorsing uitgevoer het die meeste van die teoretiese argumente waarna in die literatuur verwys word bevestig. Byvoorbeeld, Suid-Afrikaners het oor die algemeen armoede vanuit strukturele perspektief waargeneem. Groot proporsie van respondente het armoede egter aan individualistiese faktore toegeskryf. Toegang tot basiese noodsaaklikhede het die persepsies van armoede beïnvloed aangesien die armes armoede meestal toegeskryf het aan strukturele eerder as individualistiese dimensies. Blankes, in vergelyking met Swart Suid-Afrikaners, het individualistiese eerder as strukturele persepties getoon. Kleurling repondente was die mees fatalisties aangaande hul persepsies oor die oorsake van armoede. Respondente wat in tradisionele landelike areas woon het armoede in mindere mate toegeskryf aan strukturele persepsies in vergelyking met repondente woonagtig in formele stedelike areas. Dit was baie interesante resultaat omdat daar verwag is dat respondente wat in tradisionele landelike areas woon armoede eerder sou toeskryf aan strukturele persepsies, terwyl repondente woonagtig in formele stedelike areas meer individualistiese persepsies sou openbaar. Die studie het ook bevind dat opvoeding en indiensneming geen merkwaardige invloed het op persepsies oor die oorsake van armoede nie. ‘n Verdere bevinding van die studie was dat die verhouding tussen die sosio-ekonomiese en demografiese veranderlikes en die struturele, individualistiese en fatalistiese persepsies van armoede aansienlik meer ingewikkeld en kompleks is. Dit is dus moontlik dat die rassegroep, vlak van opvoeding, indiensnemingstatus en geografiese ligging van respondent saam op multi-dimensionele manier in interaksie kan verkeer en dus impak kan hê op hoe armoede deur die respondent gesien word. Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat die drie regressie analises wat die verhouding tussen die sosioekonomiese en demografiese veranderlikes en die struturele, individualistiese en fatalistiese persepsies van armoede ondersoek baie versigtig geinterpreteer moet word aangesien die verklaringsterkte van die drie regressies baie swak is. Ter opsomming was die studie onder bespreking uiters relevant ten opsigte van verskeie areas en het dit dus unieke bydrae gemaak tot beide metodologiese en beleidskwessies. Metodologies het die bevindinge getoon dat die ‘Lived Poverty Index’ kan bydra tot die voorgestelde armoede-lyn vir Suid-Afrika. Die bevindinge bied waardevolle inligting vir die land se besluitnemers aangaande Suid-Afrikaners se persepsies oor die oorsake van armoede.

<p>The water resources management regime has shifted from one focusing almost exclusively on augmenting supply to one where ensuring access, equity and sustainability are an integral part of the process. A growing demand for water and the fact that the amount of fresh water is constant raises the impression of water scarcity will occur. Indications are that the notion of access to water for basic needs as well as access to productive water underpins perceptions of scarcity. This thesis interrogated perceptions of scarcity in a small rural community in order to understand the role water can play in developing sustainable livelihoods.</p>

This study generally centres on the debate about the impact of privatisation on socio-economic rights and services. The specific objective of the study is to establish whether the privatisation of water services in South Africa has led to denial of access, either through the lack of availability of a commercialised, cost-recovery service, or denial of access because of hight rates and resultant inability to pay. The study analysed how this has impacted on the states constitutional and international human rights obligation and how the resultant problems can be addressed. It examines whether or not privatisation, which is basically aimed at improving service delivery and bringing countries in line with globalisation principles, has actually achieved that objective.

No abstract available.

Seaports, or harbours, play a vital role in the logistical supply chain, since they handle the largest volumes of containerised cargo and bulk goods that enter any country. Over the decades, globalisation and free trade have resulted in increased movement of cargo and people through the sea ports. The security functions in all categories of the ports are of paramount importance, seeing that border posts or ports are the main entry and exit points of any country. The marine transport system is responsible for 95-98 per cent of South Africa’s imports and exports. South Africa’s maritime sector, and in particular its eight commercial ports-of-entry, play a major role in the South African economy, as well as those of South Africa’s neighbouring landlocked countries. As a result of the volume of cargo containers passing through these ports, it is often challenging to detect or even examine all of the cargo that enters or leaves the port. A 2007 report titled ‘The collective approach to Border Control’ states that the movement of illegal goods crossing South African borders is in the amount of 20 billion Rand per year. The illegal movement of goods represents an enormous loss to South Africa in terms of revenue, as well as customs and excise duties, and negatively impacts on the confidence of our international investors. One of South Africa’s busiest seaports-of-entry is the Durban harbour. This study sought to investigate the challenges presented by the illegal movement of goods through Durban harbour. The research sought to establish how the goods were being moved illegally through the Durban harbour area. The focus is on the security risk control measures that should control the illegal movement of goods from the Durban Harbour. The objectives of this study were: to examine the existing security risk control measures at the Durban harbour; to assess the risks associated with the illegal movement of goods at the Durban harbour; and to identify the security risk control measures required to prevent the illegal movement of goods at the Durban harbour. The study made use of the qualitative research approach to research the unlawful transfer of goods entering through seaports. Three methods of data collection were used. These were a documentary study of police case dockets, an onsite security audit of the Durban harbour, and face-to-face interviews between the researcher and the interviewees in accordance with an interview schedule. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with the SAPS Border Police, customs officials and security officials who were stationed at the Durban harbour. Thirty (30) sample respondents were individually interviewed by the interviewer. An analysis of fifty (50) police dockets which were registered on the SAPS crime administration system for ‘Theft and Contraband Smuggling’ were also analysed, where the scene-of-crime was the Durban harbour. In addition, an onsite evaluation of the current security measures at the Durban harbour was conducted. All of the data collected was analysed using a data-spiral method, which generated themes and categories. The findings established that there are shortcomings or gaps within the existing security measures for the prevention of, and safeguarding the harbour as a port against, criminal risks or security weaknesses. Accordingly, the researcher has recommended certain measures that should assist in eliminating or reducing the associated criminal risks affecting the harbour. / Criminology and Security Science / M. Tech. (Security Management)

This thesis explores the history of AIDS activism 'from both sides of the bed', by doctors and gay patients, in the 1980s and early 1990s. Such AIDS activism was formed in opposition to dominant racist and homophobic framings of the epidemic and the AIDS-related discrimination that these representations caused. Moreover, links between both groups of AIDS activists have their origins in this period. This history has emerged through oral interviews conducted with AIDS activists and an analysis of archival material held at the South African History Archive and the Centre for Health Policy at the University of the Witwatersrand. Evidence reveals that AIDS activism was politically overshadowed in the 1980s by the overwhelming need to respond to apartheid. Although the Gay Association of South Africa (GASA) resisted AIDS-related homophobia, it was politically conservative, which later led to its demise, and then the creation of new, more militant anti-apartheid gay AIDS activism. By contrast, the anti-apartheid doctor organisations such as the National Medical and Dental Association (NAMDA) and the National Progressive Primary Health Care Network (PPHC) were militantly anti-apartheid, but did not seriously address AIDS in the 1980s. In the early 1990s, in the new transitional context, AIDS activists framed the epidemic in terms of human rights to combat AIDS-related discrimination in AIDS policy. Simultaneously, doctor activists in NAMDA and PPHC mobilised around AIDS in the early 1990s, but both organisations disbanded after 1994. Meanwhile, gay AIDS activists remained prominent in AIDS activism, as some who were living with HIV adopted the strategy of openness about their HIV status. On the other hand, AIDS-related stigma remained widespread in the transition era with important implications for post-apartheid AIDS activism and policy-making. Ultimately, this history has significantly shaped post-apartheid, rights-based AIDS activism and its recent disputes with the government over AIDS policy. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.