The topic of my thesis is "Guerilla marketing and its use in commercial communications." The main objective of my thesis is to define new forms of marketing communication and to assess their possible application in the segment of small and medium-sized businesses, with particular emphasis on guerilla marketing. The thesis has three basic parts. The first two chapters present a theoretical view on marketing, commercial communications and new trends in the field, as well as on Guerilla marketing, through its definition, the definition of its main characteristics and basic types. The third chapter is formed by introducing two specific marketing campaigns using tools typical for Guerilla Marketing and was concluded with the analysis of the questionnaire.

This thesis was devoted to the topic FARC-EP Fuerzas armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army). The first part surveys the history of the guerrilla organization from its beginnings to the present. As the beginning of the Colombian guerrilla groups is considered Colombia's La Violencia civil war between 1948-1958 which was caused by disagreements between liberal and conservative party. FARC-EP incurred as a rural guerrilla movement of the Communist Party fraction, and they followed the Marxist doctrine. However, the communist ideals were nowadays replaced by the desire for more power and finance. The historical part of this work was therefore also dedicated to find answers to what is the organizational structure of the FARC, what is the origin of their financing and what are their current targets. In the second part of the thesis the media covering the period from 1st January 2002 to 31st August 2010 was analyzed. This period begins seven months before the onset of ex-president Alvaro Uribe Velez to the presidency after Andres Pastrana and ends one month after the onset of the new president Juan Manuel Santos. It includes more than two presidential periods of Alvaro Uribe and events that contributed to his election, and also the end of...

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第24212号 / 工博第5040号 / 新制||工||1787(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院工学研究科社会基盤工学専攻 / (主査)教授 中北 英一, 准教授 山口 弘誠, 准教授 佐山 敬洋 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DFAM

Text in Afrikaans / This study aims to analyze the conflict resolution process in Zimbabwe after the Lancaster House Agreement and the subsequent elections from March 4, 1980 up until 2002. The objective is to determine what effect this process has had on all the people in Zimbabwe, both nationally and locally. It also endeavours to evaluate their attempts to transform from a violent culture of guerilla warfare, to an all-inclusive sustainable peaceful environment and culture. The reason for this specific time period of the study lies in the fact that the peace building process of the Zimbabwean conflict resolution process was supposed to be introduced during this time. This is the era during which the root of historic conflict, according to the peace building theory, has had to be transformed. It also implies the start of the implementation of the radical land reform process. From this perspective the following 5 key questions form the raison d‟être of the study and will be analyzed in the different chapters: 1. The requirements for sustainable peace, according to the conflict resolution and peace building theory, as developed by Galtung, Mitchell, Lederach, Burton and Anstey. 2. The characteristics of the historical conflict structure to be transformed during the post-1980 period. 3. An evaluation of the development of an all inclusive, multi-faceted and integrated program for the transformation of the historical conflict structure. 4. An evaluation of the international managers‟ contributions for laying the foundation for the integration of peace-making and the subsequent phases of the peace building process. It also questions the degree of reconciliation and peace building. 5. The lessons learnt from the Zimbabwean experience and its implications for conflict resolutions and peace implementation processes in Southern African societies. Included in this question is to seek clarification and to develop proposals about the roles and contributions of internal and external role players on all levels of society in such processes. Hence the conclusive finding that conflict resolution and peace building is an integrated multi-dimensional process. This conclusion is confirmed in the Zimbabwean situation. Conflict involves the entanglement of needs, unappeased perceptions and codes of conduct during the period of negotiations. In Zimbabwe the escalation and de-escalation of these influences are clearly observed. The evaluation and manipulation of the history of Zimababwe, of which the manipulation is still continuing, is harming the process of reconciliation and peace building. The absence of an inclusive raison d‟être for all parties involved (regarding differences and diversities on ethnical, social, economical and other levels) implies a strong escalating and de-escalating factor in the irreconcilability in Zimbabwe. The initiation of an integrated and multi-dimensional process, mechanism and framework of reconciliation and peace is strongly advised. This process, mechanism and framework has to have an integrated structure starting at international level (United Nations Peace Building Commission) decentralizing into regional, national, provincial and local government structures. The process and mechanism must be part of the establishment of conflict resolution and peace building as an generic management style and approach aimed at the political and governing processes of societies in transformation. This is especially important for the current Zimbabwean situation. / Die oogmerk van die studie is „n ontleding van die konflikresolusie-proses in Zimbabwe sedert die Lancaster House-ooreenkoms en die daaropvolgende verkiesings van 4 Maart 1980 tot en met die jaar 2002. Die doelstelling is om te bepaal in watter mate en op welke wyse, daar op alle vlakke van die gemeenskap nasionaal en op plaaslike vlak, gepoog is om die geweldskultuur, wat kenmerkend van die guerrilla-oorlog was, te transformeer tot „n volhoubare inklusiewe vredesomgewing en -kultuur. „n Primêre motivering vir die keuse van die bepaalde navorsingstydperk is dat dit veronderstel is om die vredebou-periode van die Zimbabwiese konflikresolusie-proses in te lui. Dit is die era waartydens die bronne van die historiese konflik, ooreenkomstig die vredebou-teorie, getransformeer moes word. Dit sluit ook die era in waartydens die eerste stappe van die radikale grondhervormingsproses geïmplementeer is. In die lig hiervan word die onderstaande 5 kernvraagstukke as raison d‟être van die studie op „n hoofstukbasis ondersoek: 1. Wat is die vereistes vir volhoubare vrede, ooreenkomstig die konflikresolusie- en vredebouteorie soos veral ontwikkel deur Galtung, Mitchell, Lederach, Burton en Anstey? 2. Wat was die kenmerke van die historiese konflikstruktuur wat in die post-1980- periode moes transformeer? 3. Het daar in die post-1980-periode „n inklusiewe, multi-vlakkige en geïntegreerde program vir die transformasie van die historiese konflikstruktuur, ontwikkel? 4. Het die internasionale bestuurders van die proses die grondslag gelê vir „n integrering van vredevestiging met die verdere fases van vredebou? In watter mate was versoening en vredebou enigsins „n prioriteit? Indien nie, waarom nie? 5. Watter lesse kan vanuit die Zimbabwiese ervaring geleer word wat kan bydra tot 'n beter begrip van praktiese konflikresolusie en vredebou-implementeringsprosesse in veral Suider-Afrikaanse gemeenskappe? Watter bydraes kan en moet interne en eksterne rolspelers speel? Voortspruitend hieruit word daar ook aanbevelings aan die hand gedoen oor die integrasie van internasionale en nasionale (eerste, tweede en derde vlakke) rolspelers in hierdie verband. Teen hierdie agtergrond word samevattend bevind dat konflikresolusie en vredebou, „n geïntegreerde multi-dimensionele en multi-vlakkige proses is. Vanuit die Zimbabwe situasie word bevind en bevestig dat konflik uit „n geïntegreerde wisselwerking van behoefte- en doel-onversoenbaarheidspersepsies met voort-spruitende konflikterende gesindhede en gedragspatroon-verskynsels, bestaan. Daar word ook aangetoon dat daar duidelike eskalerende en de-eskalerende invloede teenwoordig is. Daar is ook bevind dat die wyse hoe die geskiedenis van Zimbabwe evalueer en hanteer is en steeds word, die bou van versoening en langtermyn vrede benadeel. Die afwesigheid van „n inklusiewe raison d‟être wat alle rolspelers inbind tot een Zimbabwiese sentiment, ten spyte van diepliggende verskille en diversiteite op etniese, stam, sosiale, ekonomiese, klas en ander terreine, is „n sterk eskalerende faktor en gevolg in hierdie verband. Die loodsing van „n diepliggende en veelvlakkige versoeningsproses, sal die identifisering van sódanige sentiment – die aorta van Zimbabwe se konstruktiewe, volhoubare voortbestaan – as primêre samebindende prioriteit moet neem. Teen hierdie agtergrond word „n geïntegreede versoenings- en vredebou meganisme en raamwerk ontwikkel en voorgestel. „n Meganisme en proses wat multi-vlakkige deelname vanaf „n internasionale (United Nations Peace Building Commission) tot en met „n streeks, nasionale, provinsiale en plaaslike fokusvlak, verseker. „n Proses en meganisme wat ook deel uitmaak van die meer prominente vestiging en institusionalisering van konflikresolusie en vredebou as „n generiese bestuurstyl en program in die politieke en regeerprosesse in oorgangsamelewings, maar veral ook in die Zimbabwe situasie. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Afrika-Politiek)

The aim of the Diploma thesis is to create a measure-made and complex marketing plan for a family bakery, with the application of chosen modern methods in marketing.

L’un des sujets historiques latino-américains les plus abordés par la littérature scientifique, est celui de la révolution cubaine de 1959. Les réformes sociales, la projection internationale du nouveau régime havanais, la répression politique intérieure, l’opposition des États-Unis ont entraîné un vaste débat politique et intellectuel. Pour montrer l’échec ou la réussite de la nouvelle politique menée, les auteurs ont tenté de nombreuses comparaisons avec le gouvernement de Fulgencio Batista sans, pour autant, étudier attentivement ses mécanismes, ses contradictions internes, ses différences et ses similitudes avec les régimes voisins. De faux documents ont même été produits pour justifier la vision de l’un ou l’autre des camps.57 ans après l’entrée des révolutionnaires à La Havane, il convient de s’interroger sur ce que fut le régime du 10 mars. L’objet de cette thèse estde réussir à comprendre, à partir du plus large corpus possible et à travers la relation entre l’État et les médias, quelle était la nature du gouvernement de Fulgencio Batista. Il s’agit de replacer au centre de la compréhension les actions des acteurs politiques et médiatiques. / One of the Latin American historical subjects most approached by scientific literature is the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Social reforms, the international projection of the new Havanese regime, internal political repression, led to extensive political and intellectual debate. In order to show the failure or the success of the new policy, the authors have attempted many comparisons with the government of Fulgencio Batista without, however, carefully examining its mechanisms, internal contradictions, differences and similarities with neighboring regimes. False documents were even produced to justify the vision of one or the other of the camps.57 years after the revolutionaries entered Havana, it is necessary to question what the regime of March 10 was. The aim of this thesis is to understand the nature of the government of Fulgencio Batista through the relationship between the state and the media and to reposition it in the center of the understanding of the period the actions of political and media actors.

O objetivo da presente tese de doutorado é analisar a formação política e teórica da Organização Revolucionária Marxista Política Operária (ORM-POLOP), a partir das três organizações que lhe serviram de base. Os três grupos a formar a sigla em estudo foram: A Liga Socialista Independente, articulada em São Paulo, sob a liderança de Hermínio Sacchetta, militante veterano oriundo do campo trotskista. Outra agremiação a servir de base a ORM-POLOP foi a Juventude Socialista da PSB, organizada no Rio de Janeiro, mas com ramificações em outros estados. Por fim, a terceira força a formar o grupo em estudo foi Mocidade Trabalhista do PTB, nosso foco se dará sobre a seção mineira desta agremiação, visto ter saído de Belo Horizonte o núcleo que aderiu a ORM-POLOP. Temos por meta apresentar e discutir cada uma das três linhas de força supracitadas, entender seus pressupostos teóricos, até que ponto foi possível se conciliar as distintas posições políticas, e como tais diferenciações contribuíram para a cisão da sigla. Nosso recorte histórico abrangerá o período que vai de 1956, ano em que se iniciam as atividades da LSI, até 1967, ano em que a ORM-POLOP se cinde em diversos grupos. / My objective in this doctoral thesis is to analyze the political and theoretical formation of the Organização Revolucionária Marxista Política Operária(The Revolutionary Marxist Organization Workers Politics, ORM-POLOP) based on the three organizations which composed the base of the group. The three groups that formed the orghanization were: the Liga Socialista Independente (Independent Socialist League, LSI) based in São Paulo under the leadership of Hermínio Sacchetta, a veteran Trotskyist activist. Another group in the base of ORM-POLOP was the Juventude Socialista da PSB (Socialist Youth of the Brazilian Socialist Party, PSB), organized in Rio de Janeiro, but with influence in other states. The third force that formed the groups base was the Mocidade Trabalhista do PTB (Labour Youth of the Brazilian Labour Party, PTB). My focus on this last group will be on its section in the state of Minas Gerais since the group that adhered to ORM-POLOP came from Belo Horizonte, the capital city of the state. My aim is to present and discuss each of these three groups, understand their theoretical presuppositions, the possibilities for the conciliation of these distinct political positions and, finally, how such differences contributed to the split in the organization. The study covers the period from 1957 when the LSI initiated its activities until 1967 the year in which ORM-POLOP split into diverse groups.

O objetivo da presente tese de doutorado é analisar a formação política e teórica da Organização Revolucionária Marxista Política Operária (ORM-POLOP), a partir das três organizações que lhe serviram de base. Os três grupos a formar a sigla em estudo foram: A Liga Socialista Independente, articulada em São Paulo, sob a liderança de Hermínio Sacchetta, militante veterano oriundo do campo trotskista. Outra agremiação a servir de base a ORM-POLOP foi a Juventude Socialista da PSB, organizada no Rio de Janeiro, mas com ramificações em outros estados. Por fim, a terceira força a formar o grupo em estudo foi Mocidade Trabalhista do PTB, nosso foco se dará sobre a seção mineira desta agremiação, visto ter saído de Belo Horizonte o núcleo que aderiu a ORM-POLOP. Temos por meta apresentar e discutir cada uma das três linhas de força supracitadas, entender seus pressupostos teóricos, até que ponto foi possível se conciliar as distintas posições políticas, e como tais diferenciações contribuíram para a cisão da sigla. Nosso recorte histórico abrangerá o período que vai de 1956, ano em que se iniciam as atividades da LSI, até 1967, ano em que a ORM-POLOP se cinde em diversos grupos. / My objective in this doctoral thesis is to analyze the political and theoretical formation of the Organização Revolucionária Marxista Política Operária(The Revolutionary Marxist Organization Workers Politics, ORM-POLOP) based on the three organizations which composed the base of the group. The three groups that formed the orghanization were: the Liga Socialista Independente (Independent Socialist League, LSI) based in São Paulo under the leadership of Hermínio Sacchetta, a veteran Trotskyist activist. Another group in the base of ORM-POLOP was the Juventude Socialista da PSB (Socialist Youth of the Brazilian Socialist Party, PSB), organized in Rio de Janeiro, but with influence in other states. The third force that formed the groups base was the Mocidade Trabalhista do PTB (Labour Youth of the Brazilian Labour Party, PTB). My focus on this last group will be on its section in the state of Minas Gerais since the group that adhered to ORM-POLOP came from Belo Horizonte, the capital city of the state. My aim is to present and discuss each of these three groups, understand their theoretical presuppositions, the possibilities for the conciliation of these distinct political positions and, finally, how such differences contributed to the split in the organization. The study covers the period from 1957 when the LSI initiated its activities until 1967 the year in which ORM-POLOP split into diverse groups.

<p>Denna uppsats tittar närmare på fyra verk av Jenny Holzer. Hennes konstnärskap jämförs även med Guerilla Girls. Huvudmetoden utgörs av bildanalyser och jag presenterar också tolkningsmöjligheter utifrån ett genusperspektiv. Utöver detta har jag med en konsthistoriografisk undersökning fått fram hur den generella bilden av Holzer ser ut.</p>

Denna uppsats tittar närmare på fyra verk av Jenny Holzer. Hennes konstnärskap jämförs även med Guerilla Girls. Huvudmetoden utgörs av bildanalyser och jag presenterar också tolkningsmöjligheter utifrån ett genusperspektiv. Utöver detta har jag med en konsthistoriografisk undersökning fått fram hur den generella bilden av Holzer ser ut.