No published studies to date examined the practices in creation or adoption of metadata in cultural heritage institutions or evaluated metadata in bibliographic databases in the Arabian Gulf counties and assessed its potential interoperability in the aggregation that would provide a central point of access to bibliographic databases of cultural heritage institutions. This exploratory study aimed to address this gap with the goal of: (1) developing understanding of the current state of information representation and knowledge organization in cultural heritage collections in Arabian Gulf countries, and (2) exploring perspectives for future developments such as creating regional large-scale portals similar to Digital Public Library of America, Europeana etc. that facilitate discovery by aggregating metadata and possible barriers to these developments.. The study is focused on a Kuwaiti, Qatari, and Omani libraries, museums, and archives. The mixed-methods research combined semi-structured interviews of the bibliographic database managers at 15 cultural heritage institutions and in-depth content analysis of a sample of 412 metadata records that represent items in these bibliographic databases for accuracy, completeness, consistency, use of knowledge organization systems, etc. This study findings make a research contribution important for evaluating the feasibility and planning of future aggregations of cultural heritage bibliographic databases. Results provided insights into possible ways to achieve interoperability in metadata for such digital portals in the Arabian Gulf region.

The current study focused on examining the developmental stages of preschool teachers in the Arab Gulf region. Specifically, the needs and concerns of teachers were investigated using a pretest/posttest (12-month interval) design. Participants included two greoups of preschool teachers, trained (n= 35) and untrained (n=122) Contrary to expectations, the sequential nature of development stages of teachers did not emerge. Instead, the results showed that teachers become less concerned about teaching as they progress in their careers. When data from the present study were factor-analyzed they yielded only two areas of concerns that seemed applicable cross-cultrally. When data were subjected to analysis of variance, results revealed that training had a significant main effect on teaching concerns while teaching experience did not. Further exploration of the category experience showed that, for Factor II, the trained group of teachers had a larger drop in their level of teaching concerns than the untrained group. This was especially evident with two subgroups, low (1 to 3) years of teaching experience and high (8 to 16) years of teaching experience. The trained group with medium (4 to 7) years of teaching experience maintained a consistently low score on both pretest and posttest. Teaching experience for Factor II appears to have a main effect in reducing the level of concerns of teachers over their teaching. This was especially evident between pretest and posttest for the low-and high-experience trained teachers.

The world has made great progress over the centuries through the massive increase in the interconnectedness of nations around the globe. Today, the world is connected through various ways, including the movement of goods, people, and money. The amount of goods traded across countries borders has drastically increased as the result of technological progress and the removal of barriers to trade. Not only has the world become more interconnected with the physical flows of goods and services, but also countries of the world have become more integrated financially. This study proposes to analyze how increase in financial flows, as measured by Foreign Direct Investment, impact physical flows of goods, as measured by trade. The study focuses on Gulf countries. These countries represent an interesting case study given the structure of their economies, their massive natural resource endowments and heavy reliance on oil and natural gas revenue, and their large sovereign funds. Using panel data for the years 2001-2012 and reliable econometric techniques, the study assesses the impacts of increased investment from Gulf countries on the imports from and exports to partner countries. The results show that both FDI inflows and outflows significantly increase imports to and exports from the Gulf countries. The results are robust to various estimations methods and remain valid for both agricultural and non-agricultural products. The findings of the study provide a better understanding of the trade-investment nexus and shed light on the underlying motives of investment by Gulf countries. Inflows and outflows of investment serve as a strategic option for Gulf countries to both promote their exports while securing their supply in consumer and capital goods.

Seit Mitte der 1990-er Jahre wird in den sechs Staaten des Golf-Kooperationsrates über die Konsequenzen der massiven Arbeitsimmigration für die arabischen Gesellschaften dieser Länder diskutiert. Während die Immigranten und ihre Lebenssituation in den Regionalwissenschaften zur Golfregion zunehmend Beachtung finden, ist der arabische Einwanderungskurs kaum untersucht. Am Beispiel von Print- und Onlinemedien aus dem Zeitraum 2008-2013 untersucht die Dissertation von Daniel Falk den Einwanderungsdiskurs der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate. Was ist die Perspektive der Aufnahmegesellschaft? Wie in den Golfstaaten über Migranten und Migrationsprozesse gesprochen, geschrieben und diskutiert? / Migration to the Gulf countries over the past decades has led to dramatic change not only within the population structure. Especially in smaller Gulf countries, like Qatar and the UAE, where native Arab populations amount for less than 20 per cent of the total population, it had strong effects also on identity constructions, as the native “national” societies became minorities within their own countries. As this process continues, fears of losing the respective (Arab, Gulf, Emirati, Qatari …) identity are increasingly being voiced and calls for political action to take on this issue are becoming louder. This PhD project aimed at analysing the Arabic discourse on migration and identity and between 2008 and 2013. By analysing Arabic language mass media from the UAE it looked not only at representations of immigrants but also at of processes and consequences of migration and perceived loss of identity, e.g. the dis-course on the „population imbalance“ (al-khalal fi at-tarkeeba as-sukkaniyya). By focusing on the Arabic discourse the thesis seeks to counter-weigh a wide-spread phenomenon in Gulf-related social sciences and humanities: many studies on the region build on English-language sources and material only, thus ignoring the fact that a majority Gulf nationals still speak, write and think in their native language and constructing a biased image of Gulf societies. Especially in connection to such delicate topics like immigration and identity it is important to understand the respective (Emirati, Qatari…) perspective.

The thesis explores the relationship, or assumed relationship between nomadic tribalism and the stateless group in Kuwait. While exploring this issue, the thesis also examines state formation and tribalism throughout the history of Kuwait. By exploring what the author calls, &quot / Pan-Tribalism,&quot / the thesis also explores assumed cross-border linkages, and perceptions of loyalty, or disloyalty among various groups in Kuwait. The thesis includes research on the history of Kuwait because it reveals early tribal dynamics. The thesis uncovers the roots of certain historical issues and power structures that exist today - as all of this is related to citizenship and statelessness. The thesis takes a close look at the impact of oil on state-formation both due to the mass influx of immigrants that oil wealth caused, as well as the welfare/distributive state policy that emerged afterwards. Both of these issues directly affected citizenship. Additionally, it thus explores internal oil politics rather an international oil politics

Cette thèse soutient que les politiques de migrations temporaires entravent la mobilité de l'individu, à partir du cas des migrants indiens dans la région du golfe persique. La pratique et le droit international définissent la mobilité comme le droit à la « liberté de mouvement » sans dispositions supplémentaires pour faciliter le choix de s’établir, permettant aux Etats de pratiquer ces politiques de convenance. Ce travail interdisciplinaire qui privilégie l’angle sociologique interroge les implications politiques et le droit international. Il montre que le non-respect prolongé des droits des migrants, surtout par les pays d’accueil, produit des conditions et des résultats restrictifs pour tous les acteurs- des indicateurs montrent l’exclusion systématique du migrant dans la société d’accueil. Cinq chapitres présentent empiriquement le « migrant » dans le golfe qui expérimente la vulnérabilité à différentes échelles : entrepreneurs, marchands-patriarches, travailleurs en col blanc, travailleurs en col bleu, et les femmes migrantes. La politique de migration temporaire des six Etats du Conseil de coopération du Golfe (GCC)- Arabie Saoudite, Oman, Émirats Arabes Unis, Qatar, Bahreïn et Koweït- constitue un exemple heuristique. Sans être un cas unique, il montre une exclusion plus sévère en raison de la nature conservatrice de ces monarchies et de la place de l’Islam comme religion d’Etat. Les politiques de migrations circulaires sont populaires aujourd’hui et les Etats en profitent à leur convenance en privilégiant la flexibilité et la non-intégration pour éviter les responsabilités vis-à-vis des migrants. Le migrant temporaire est donc, le travailleur précaire dans le marché mondial du travail. Le statut d’incertitude structurelle est aussi un des principaux éléments qui séparent « l’Indien du golfe » du reste des Indiens non-résidents (NRI). / The thesis highlights the evidence in the Arab-Gulf region with the Indian migrants to argue that the temporary migration policies hinder the individual’s mobility. International practice and law articulate mobility narrowly as merely the right to “freedom of movement” without also provision to facilitate the choice to settle, which allows states to perpetuate such expedient policies. The work is an inter-disciplinary approach, with mainly a sociological lens and interrogates the implications for policy and international law. It shows that mainly the receiving states’ prolonged non-respect of the migrant’s rights using the “temporary” frame produces limiting conditions and outcomes for all the actors- selected indicators show the systematic exclusion of the migrant in the host society. Five chapters empirically present the “guest worker” in the Gulf who experiences vulnerability at different levels: entrepreneur, trader-patriarch, white-collar worker, blue-collar worker and female migrant. The guest-worker policy practice of the six oil-rich Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries- Saudi Arabia, Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait- is a heuristic example. The GCC region is not a unique case although it might show more severe exclusion, due to the conservative regimes as monarchies and following Islam as the state-religion. Circular migration policies are popular today and states manifest expediency by privileging flexibility and non-integration to evade responsibility for the migrant. The guest-worker is hence, the precarious worker in the global labour market. The structural uncertainty is a factor that mainly also separates the “Gulf-Indian” from the larger non-resident Indian (NRI) population elsewhere.

La question de l'internationalisation des financements de la ville s'avère centrale pour comprendre le fonctionnement des marchés internationaux et l'évolution du rôle de l’État dans les modes de gouvernance urbaine. Elle se présente également comme une grille de lecture pertinente pour étudier les impacts sur la production urbaine des fonctionnements néolibéraux des pays en développement et de leur dépendance aux partenaires internationaux. Car l'un des enjeux de la financiarisation de la ville est celui du rôle des acteurs, notamment à travers les modes de gouvernance : lorsque l'équilibre des projets de développement urbain n'est pas garanti, qui sont les acteurs qui jouent le rôle de régulateurs? Comment le risque financier est-il distribué et absorbé, alors que le temps long entre vente et achat dans l'investissement immobilier fait exister deux temporalités différentes : celle de la finance globale, qui obéit à des logiques de court terme afin de dégager des marges de rentabilité rapides; et celle du construit urbain, davantage étalée dans le temps. Or, plus le temps de résolution du capital dans l'immobilier est long, plus le montant des valeurs excédentaires est bas. La question de la distinction entre secteur public et secteur privé est également centrale dans l'étude de ce sujet, puisque qu'elle renvoie à la signification du retrait de l’État de la gouvernance urbaine en tant que moyen pour donner davantage de pouvoir aux investisseurs privés. Étudier cette distinction est un moyen de comprendre quels sont les mécanismes de régulation et d'équilibre des marchés liés à la production de la ville. La fabrique du Caire avant et après le soulèvement populaire de 2011 dans la vague des Printemps Arabes est un laboratoire pertinent pour l'analyse de ces questionnements. Au Caire, les modes de gouvernance spécifiques basés sur l'accumulation des richesses par une élite ont été remis en question par la révolution de 2011. La succession des régimes transitoires et les nombreux procès qui ont visé les cessions de terrain frauduleuses par les hommes d'affaires les plus puissants du pays ont semblé être une avancée dans les revendications pour le droit à la ville des révolutionnaires. La lutte pour davantage de justice a provoqué une redéfinition de l'assabiya dirigeante, communauté d'acteurs publics et privés basée sur des liens de mariage et de sang. Mais elle n'a pas ébranlé le système néolibéral reposant sur les rouages de la corruption et du bakchich ainsi que sur la dépendance de la croissance égyptienne aux aides occidentales et régionales, bien au contraire. Le nouveau régime reproduit grâce à une main de fer le système néolibéral d'avant la révolution : enrichir un noyau d'acteurs privés faisant partie d'une élite proche du régime. Cette élite rassemble des proches de l'ancien régime de Moubarak, dont certains ont fait l'objet de sanctions post­révolution, appliquées, levées ou adoucies de manière arbitraire par l’État qui affirme ainsi son pouvoir sur la communauté d'acteurs privés. L'émergence de l'institution militaire comme pouvoir gouvernemental en apparence unitaire n'a pas remis en question la position d'un État centralisé, alors que les pays du Golfe sont devenus incontournables : ce sont des créanciers qu'il faudra rembourser, en liquide ou en nature, et leur poids dans l'économie égyptienne est croissant, en particulier dans le secteur immobilier. La fabrique du Caire semble s'orienter vers une urbanité exclusive et participe à la création d'un arrière-pays du Golf. [...] / The issue of internationalization of financial involvement in Cairo's urban environment is fundamental in understanding the increasing role that international actors play in the region. Additionally, it enables a clearer perception of the State's increasing role through directive urban governance and is also central to any analysis of recent development of the city's social geography. This broad perspective is also a key to understanding the impact of neoliberal policies in developing countries and their increased dependence on international partnerships for urban development. One of the main explanation factors of the financialization of the city's construction is the evolving role of its various actors, through changing governance modes: who are the actors of large-scale real estate, when the balance of urban development project is not secured? One way of addressing this issue is through the question: "how is the risk distributed and absorbed where there exists two timescales, because of the mismatch between selling and buying in real estate investment?" These are the temporality of global finance, which obeys short term logics to serve specific interests and the temporality of the urban fabric which is over a much longer period of time. The longer the period for real estate return on investment, the lower the amount of profit for the investor. Distinction (or the lack of) between public and private sector interests and motivations remains the key parameter, since it refers to the State's withdrawal for urban governance as a way to give more power to private investors. The complex interference between public and private sector is therefore part of the very definition of the city financialization. This study is a way to understand mechanisms of regulation and balance of the markets related to the city production. The urban production of Cairo, before and after the Arab Spring popular uprising of 2011 is also a highly meaningful laboratory to analyze mobilization against financialization of urban production. ln Cairo, specific governance based on wealth accumulation by elite had been called into question by the 2011 revolution. The succession of transitory regimes and the numerous trials targeting fraudulent sales of some of the most powerful businessmen of the country could be viewed as a progress, in citizen's right to the city, of the revolutionaries. The fight for more justice caused a redefinition of the ruling assabiya, a community of public and private actors related by blood or marriage. But it did not destroy the corruption-based system, nor the dependence of Egyptian growth on occidental and regional aids, quite to the contrary. The specificity of the Egyptian neoliberal system is based on refusal of the state to let the contractors take control and on the interference of the public elite in contractors' activities. The new regime replicates with a heavier hand, this system from before the revolution. This enriches a core of actors belonging to an elite close to the regime. [...]

Seit Mitte der 1990-er Jahre wird in den sechs Staaten des Golf-Kooperationsrates über die Konsequenzen der massiven Arbeitsimmigration für die arabischen Gesellschaften dieser Länder diskutiert. Während die Immigranten und ihre Lebenssituation in den Regionalwissenschaften zur Golfregion zunehmend Beachtung finden, ist der arabische Einwanderungskurs kaum untersucht. Am Beispiel von Print- und Onlinemedien aus dem Zeitraum 2008-2013 untersucht die Dissertation von Daniel Falk den Einwanderungsdiskurs der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate. Was ist die Perspektive der Aufnahmegesellschaft? Wie in den Golfstaaten über Migranten und Migrationsprozesse gesprochen, geschrieben und diskutiert?:1 Einleitung 1 1.1 Die Ausgangssituation 1 1.2 Forschungsstand und Ziel der Arbeit 5 1.3 Fragestellung und Erkenntnisinteresse 8 1.4 Aufbau der Arbeit 9 2 Theoretische und methodische Vorüberlegungen 11 2.1 Migration, Migranten und Migrationsregime 11 2.2 Islamische und arabische Konzepte von Migration 12 2.3 Mediale Migrantenbilder und die Analyse des Einwanderungsdiskurses 14 2.4 Auswahl der Quellen 21 3 Die zweigeteilte Gesellschaft 27 3.1 Historischer Rückblick 27 3.2 Die Gegenwart der zweigeteilten Gesellschaft 32 3.3 Exkurs: Die politische Ökonomie der zweigeteilten Gesellschaft 42 3.4 Arabisch vs. Englisch: zwei Sprachen – zweigeteilte Öffentlichkeit? 48 4 Der emiratische Einwanderungsdiskurs 2008-2013 50 4.1 Die thematische Verortung der Artikel 51 4.2 Argumente und Argumentationsmuster 62 4.3 Metaphorik: der emiratische Tropfen im Ozean der Migranten 92 4.4 Von der Diagnose zur Therapie: Lösungsvorschläge für das „Bevölkerungsproblem“ 109 4.5 Dichotomien des Fremden und des Eigenen 124 4.6 Leserkommentare auf albayan.ae und emaratalyoum.com 145 5 Zusammenfassung der Ergebnisse 167 Literaturverzeichnis 173 Anhang 180 / Migration to the Gulf countries over the past decades has led to dramatic change not only within the population structure. Especially in smaller Gulf countries, like Qatar and the UAE, where native Arab populations amount for less than 20 per cent of the total population, it had strong effects also on identity constructions, as the native “national” societies became minorities within their own countries. As this process continues, fears of losing the respective (Arab, Gulf, Emirati, Qatari …) identity are increasingly being voiced and calls for political action to take on this issue are becoming louder. This PhD project aimed at analysing the Arabic discourse on migration and identity and between 2008 and 2013. By analysing Arabic language mass media from the UAE it looked not only at representations of immigrants but also at of processes and consequences of migration and perceived loss of identity, e.g. the dis-course on the „population imbalance“ (al-khalal fi at-tarkeeba as-sukkaniyya). By focusing on the Arabic discourse the thesis seeks to counter-weigh a wide-spread phenomenon in Gulf-related social sciences and humanities: many studies on the region build on English-language sources and material only, thus ignoring the fact that a majority Gulf nationals still speak, write and think in their native language and constructing a biased image of Gulf societies. Especially in connection to such delicate topics like immigration and identity it is important to understand the respective (Emirati, Qatari…) perspective.:1 Einleitung 1 1.1 Die Ausgangssituation 1 1.2 Forschungsstand und Ziel der Arbeit 5 1.3 Fragestellung und Erkenntnisinteresse 8 1.4 Aufbau der Arbeit 9 2 Theoretische und methodische Vorüberlegungen 11 2.1 Migration, Migranten und Migrationsregime 11 2.2 Islamische und arabische Konzepte von Migration 12 2.3 Mediale Migrantenbilder und die Analyse des Einwanderungsdiskurses 14 2.4 Auswahl der Quellen 21 3 Die zweigeteilte Gesellschaft 27 3.1 Historischer Rückblick 27 3.2 Die Gegenwart der zweigeteilten Gesellschaft 32 3.3 Exkurs: Die politische Ökonomie der zweigeteilten Gesellschaft 42 3.4 Arabisch vs. Englisch: zwei Sprachen – zweigeteilte Öffentlichkeit? 48 4 Der emiratische Einwanderungsdiskurs 2008-2013 50 4.1 Die thematische Verortung der Artikel 51 4.2 Argumente und Argumentationsmuster 62 4.3 Metaphorik: der emiratische Tropfen im Ozean der Migranten 92 4.4 Von der Diagnose zur Therapie: Lösungsvorschläge für das „Bevölkerungsproblem“ 109 4.5 Dichotomien des Fremden und des Eigenen 124 4.6 Leserkommentare auf albayan.ae und emaratalyoum.com 145 5 Zusammenfassung der Ergebnisse 167 Literaturverzeichnis 173 Anhang 180

Les trois monothéismes conçoivent un Dieu créateur et ordonnateur du monde, révélé dans l’histoire, garant de toute justice et de tout équilibre, et déterminant l’autorité et les systèmes d’autorités. La théologie a informé le droit et les lois, l’économie et l’éthique des personnes et des États. L’islam, loin d’être homogénéisé dans ses approches économiques, financières et réglementaires, révèle par le biais d’un exemple concret, par l’industrie des services financiers islamiques, les différentes facettes de ce qu’est l’autorité dans un contexte musulman, international et en pleine évolution. Prenant en compte la dynamique des questions sectaires, géographiques et interprétatives, la thèse analyse cette force déterminante que sont les « autorités » en finance islamique. Ces dernières semblent déterminer la finance islamique dans ses formes les plus tangibles, en structurant des produits financiers islamiques. L’analyse comporte d’abord une approche théorique, ensuite une étude comparée des facteurs qui déterminent les décisions prises lors de la structuration de produits financiers islamiques. Ces structures sont en effet fondées sur des contrats financiers conformes aux principes de la sharia. Leur approbation par des membres de conseils de la sharia est-elle déterminée par une autorité régionale, par des autorités internationales ou par des autorités de régulation ? Ces autorités sont-elles conventionnelles ou religieuses ? Afin de bien évaluer la problématique non seulement de l’autorité en tant que telle mais aussi de l’équilibre complexe entre les différentes autorités, nous développons une analyse comparée du système de structuration des produits financiers islamiques par les autorités concernées, en fonction des zones géographiques, au moyen d’un échantillon de 121 membres de conseils de la sharia couvrant l’approbation de produits financiers islamiques au sein de 243 institutions financières islamiques sur 35 pays. / The three monotheistic religions refer to a God who is the all-powerful creator of all that exists, revealed throughout history, guarantor of justice and fairness, who is the ultimate moral authority. Theology advises some of the laws, economics and ethics of individuals and of states. Islam is not homogeneous in its economic, financial and regulatory approaches. However, through the financial services industry, it reveals in a tangible manner various facets of authority across Muslim contexts. These include contexts that are international and highly dynamic. Taking into account the delicate balance between sectarian, geographic and interpretive facets, the thesis analyses the determining forces that we refer to as authorities in Islamic finance. These contribute to the Islamic finance industry in its most tangible form in the structuring of Islamic financial products. Analysis is carried out initially theoretically. It is followed by a comparative study of factors affecting decisions pertaining to the structuring of Islamic financial products. These structures are based on financial contracts that conform to the principles of the Sharia. Is approval by Sharia board members fashioned by a regional authority, by international authorities, or by regulatory authorities? Are these authorities conventional or religious? We address the question as it pertains to the dynamics between various types of authority. We develop a comparative analysis of the approach taken in structuring Islamic financial products, according to geographical areas related to a sample of 121 Sharia board members covering Islamic financial products for 243 Islamic financial institutions in 35 countries.