Ce mémoire cherche à déterminer si la logique de la majorité de la Cour suprême dans l’arrêt Harper c. Canada (Procureur général) demeure valide aujourd’hui, près de deux décennies après que cet arrêt, qui avalise le régime de plafonnement des dépenses électorales des tierces parties, ait été rendu. À cette fin, le régime de plafonnement prévu par la Loi électorale du Canada est examiné en détail, de même que les motifs de la majorité. Ces préliminaires achevés, le cœur de l’analyse est entamé. Trois phénomènes sont étudiés pour déterminer si le raisonnement de la majorité dans Harper doit être remis ou non en question : l’avènement d’une dynamique de « campagne permanente », la monté des technologies de l’information et le déclin des partis politiques. Il est conclu que la logique déployée dans l’arrêt Harper demeure valide, mais qu’elle appelle certains changements à la Loi électorale actuelle. À cet effet, les plafonds préélectoraux des tiers devraient être éliminés et l’usage de sites internet personnels ou de compte de médias sociaux devrait être assujetti à un régime de plafonnement. / This work seeks to determine whether the reasoning of the Supreme Court majority in Harper v. Canada (Attorney General), which validates third parties’ spending limits during the election period,still avails almost two decades after being rendered. The limits on third parties' spending as established by the Canada Election Act are examined in detail. The majority’s reasons are also discussed at length. Then, the core analysis begins. Three new social phenomena are examined to determine whether the Court’s reasoning in Harper should be called into question. These phenomena are: the advent of a “permanent campaign” in Canada, the rise of new information technologies and the decline of political parties. It is concluded that Harper’s logic remains highly compelling, though it may entail some modifications to the current electoral law, such as the abolition of pre-electoral spending limits and the application of some form of limitation to electoral spending regarding personal web sites and social media account.

This PhD comprises a work of fiction and a dissertation, both of which explore childhood, children and parenthood. The Imagined Child, the novel, closely examines the nature of parenthood, the expectations inherent in the parent-child relationship, and the responsibilities that society imposes on parents. It explores the strains of guilt and blame that surround all primary relationships: every child is damaged in some way – through nature and nurture. How they deal with that damage determines the kinds of adults – and ultimately the kinds of parents – they become. The dissertation approaches childhood as a literary device. It explores the ways in which four novelists from different historical periods have characterised and thematised childhood. It presents ‘childhood’ as a social construct and considers the ways in which childhood and parenting have changed in recent, Western history. It then focuses on the research into and literary representations of children in Africa to explore the versions of childhood inherited by African, and particularly South African, children and how this differs from American or European models. Textual analysis was employed to examine the representation of childhood in four texts: Charles Dickens’s David Copperfield (1850), L.P. Hartley’s The Go-Between (1953), Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird (1960), and Michiel Heyns’s The Children’s Day (2002). An examination of research and literature shows a very different trajectory for childhood in Africa than in Europe, and reveals that childhood on the continent has never been consistent, in life or literature. There is, in other words, no universal “African childhood”. The literary children of South Africa are examined not only to show how differently childhood is experienced in diverse segments of society, but also to measure the temperature of the times. The differing versions of literary childhood, and their varying treatments, provide a gauge for the zeitgeist in South African society from the 1990s. The dissertation argues that an examination of literary children provides insight into the development of a new democracy. The dissertation and the novel, taken together, suggest that through the real and imagined children of literature can be gained a sense of ourselves.

Cette thèse est consacrée à des problèmes liés à l'étude de la limite semi-classique en mécanique quantique. Le premier chapitre présente une formulation géométrique qui est équivalente au principe variationnel. Elle consiste à concevoir la dynamique classique comme une projection orthogonale de la dynamique quantique sur la famille des états cohérents. L'angle de la projection nous renseigne sur la validité de l'approximation obtenue. Ces résultats sont illustrés par un exemple numérique. Le deuxième chapitre s'attache à la mécanique quantique sur le tore en tant qu'espace de phase, et en particulier à l'étude des dégénérécences dans le spectre de modèles du type Harper, ou Harper pulsé qui manifestent du chaos classique. Ce type de modèles trouve ses applications essentiellement en physique du solide, notamment pour l'effet Hall quantique. Cette étude se fait d'une part à l'aide de l'indice de Chern qui caractérise de fa¸con topologique la local- isation des fonctions d'ondes lorsque des conditions de périodicité sont changées, et d'autre part par la distribution de Husimi permet de représenter un état quantique dans l'espace de phase. Nous discutons le rˆole joué par les états associés à une séparatrice, par l'effet tunnel et par la nature chaotique de la dynamique.

On 11 June 2008 the Government of Canada delivered an official apology to former students of Indian residential schools for its participation in the schools’ creation and administration. The morally infused discourses of political apologies may at first seem to symbolize a progressive step towards a better and more egalitarian future. This thesis, however, will challenge and problematize such perspectives by presenting not only a critical analysis of the 2008 apology itself but also by contextualizing the apology’s narratives with the colonial framing strategies which have historically served to marginalize and dominate the Indigenous nations and peoples of Turtle Island. Through the critical exploration of the 2008 apology’s operability and political significance in Canada’s colonial context, this thesis intends to reveal both the message(s) that the apology got across to the Canadian general public and the forms of domination and political distraction that the apology’s seemingly moral and progressive narratives effectively belie.

Cette thèse est une contribution à la réflexion du rôle dynamique du Canada dans le soutien international au développement démocratique. Elle dresse un bilan des actions menées, entre 2006 et 2012, par l’Agence canadienne de développement international (ACDI), principal organe d’aide du Canada, en appui à la gouvernance démocratique au Mali, pays de concentration de l’aide canadienne. Elle soutient que les motivations de la coopération canadienne au Mali sont ambiguës et que les résultats sont mitigés. Les progrès accomplis ces dernières années ont été fragilisés par les conséquences de la crise sécuritaire et politique de 2012 et la suspension de l’aide bilatérale canadienne a compromis l’évolution dynamique de ses projets. La démarche analytique combine une approche constructiviste critique avec une analyse inductive pour l’interprétation des motivations ambiguës et des résultats mitigés obtenus. L’étude a été conduite au moyen d'analyses documentaires et d'entretiens semi-directifs approfondis auprès d’une dizaine de personnes ressources.

Canada 150, or the sesquicentennial anniversary of Confederation, celebrates a nation-state that can be described as “settler colonial” in relation to Indigenous peoples. This thesis brings a Critical Religion and Critical Discourse Analysis methodology into conversation with Settler Colonial and Indigenous Studies to ask: how is Canadian settler colonial sovereignty enacted, and how do Indigenous peoples perform challenges to that sovereignty? The parliamentary mace and the eagle feather are conceptualized as emblematic and condensed metaphors, or metonyms, that assert and represent Canadian and Indigenous sovereignties. As a settler colonial sovereignty, established and naturalized partially through discourses on religion, Canadian sovereignty requires the displacement of Indigenous sovereignty. In events from 1990 to 2017, Indigenous people wielding eagle feathers disrupt Canadian governance and challenge the legitimacy of Canadian sovereignty. Indigenous sovereignty is (re)asserted as identity-based, oppositional, and spiritualized. Discourses on Indigenous sovereignty and spirituality provide categories and concepts through which Indigenous resistance occurs within Canada.

L’idée que les discours du gouvernement Harper représenteraient une rupture fondamentale par rapport à la mythologie nationale établie est répandue dans les discours populaires et universitaires. Selon ces perspectives, une ancienne mythologie canadienne, exemplifiée par les symboles du multiculturalisme et du maintien de la paix, serait animée par l’idéal d’une ouverture exceptionnelle à la diversité. En contraste, la nouvelle symbolique conservatrice serait monolithiquement britannique, monarchique, impérialiste, et raciste. Ce penchant sur la question d’une telle rupture, cette thèse doctorale offre une analyse systématique des discours historiques du gouvernement fédéral, par lesquels l’ancienne mythologie nationale s’est ancrée dans l’imaginaire canadien. À la lumière d’une telle analyse, la nature et l’ampleur des continuités et ruptures entre ancienne et nouvelle mythologies sont évaluées. Du point de vue théorique, cette thèse innove en développant un concept apte à cerner les limites de ces deux systèmes symboliques mythologiques en ce qui a trait à leurs ouvertures relatives à la diversité. Adoptant comme point de départ la biopolitique foucaldienne et les conceptions poststructuralistes de l’identité/différence, la bioculture s’en distingue en étant sensible à la possibilité que les discours identitaires reconnaissent l’importance centrale de la diversité pour assurer l’optimisation de mécanismes adaptifs culturels, de façon analogue aux processus de la biologie évolutive. Une telle grille d’intelligibilité, qui appréhende la culture comme le résultat de la tension entre dynamiques autotransgressive et autopréservative, nous permet de répondre à notre questionnement sur la symbolique nationale.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to analyse and compare Harper Lee's canonical coming-of- age novel To Kill a Mockingbird to its original forerunner, the novel Go Set a Watchman, which was, however, published several years later. The theoretical part provides a brief synopsis of each of the novels and outlines Lee's life, as well as the main aspects of the historical and social background relevant to the stories, namely the Great Depression, Jim Crow laws, and the Scottsboro Trial. The practical part then investigates and juxtaposes the two novels from thematic and structural perspectives, and considers them specifically through the psychological, sociological, and stylistic prisms. Besides, it compares the factual similarities and differences in storylines and characters, who are often based on Lee's real-life acquaintances. The overall comparison shows how To Kill a Mockingbird, a gently tuned novel of children growing up yet packed with diverse topics, evolved from a rather intricate novel, Go Set a Watchman, dealing with a difficult task of one's individuation and realising that one's father is only a human. To Kill a Mockingbird is set in the 1930s and takes place over several years, while the story of Go Set a Watchman is situated some twenty years later, and its plot culminates in the...

Adding something new to the understanding of To Kill a Mockingbird (1960), which is considered a twentieth-century classic, would be nearly impossible if not for the outlook of new historicism. Through a new historicist analysis of Harper Lee’s literary text parallel to non-fictional texts relating to the American justice system and civil rights, this essay explores how race affects U.S. institutions and society. Lee’s novel is contextualized by delving into the American South of the 1930s, American society and politics in the1960s and the racial landscape in America today, connecting them through the experiences of racial bias within the justice system and the civil rights movement. The essay explores the racial and cultural norms that governed the American justice system at the set time of the story. It analyzes the time of publication and the American society in which the novel made such an impact on the racial debate. Finally, it looks at the impact of the novel and its connection to the civil rights movement of the 1960s, the Black Lives Matter movement and readers today. In the spirit of new historicism, the mechanisms of racism and how they affect the population, both the oppressors and the oppressed, is highlighted showing parallels between Lee’s fictional world and American society over time. Through the experiences of the characters, the structures of racism translate to a time and place where the Black Lives Matter movement has infused new life to the civil rights movement worldwide. Looking at retellings of the historical Scottsboro trials, which inspired the story unfolding in To Kill a Mockingbird in light of the justice system, Maycomb county and its inhabitants serves as guides into the racial norms that is ingrained in American society and politics. The results reveal a society where racial segregation is constantly reinforced by legal, economical, and social barriers, despite constitutional efforts to level the playing field for all American citizens.

In its relatively unchanged form and effective for nearly 140 years the Indian Act of 1876 is the basic law governing the rights and responsibilities of First Nations and their status within Canada. The law protects the special status of Indigenous groups in Canadian society albeit it has been criticized as discriminatory. Voices calling for change of the legislation are growing stronger with the deepening socio-economic problems of Aboriginal peoples. First Nations primarily require the assertion of their constitutional right to self-determination in any future reform. In contrast, the current Conservative government of Stephen Harper emphasizes self- sufficiency and financial responsibility of Native peoples. Legislative actions that Conservatives rarely consult with representatives of the Indigenous peoples themselves correspond to the general priorities of the Harper Government based on the principles of market economy and do not reflect the demands for self-determination and self-government of Indigenous communities. The Idle No More protest movement founded in 2012 in reaction to some of Harper's laws pertaining to Aboriginal peoples fights for their rights and environmental protection inextricably linked with their identity. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze different perspectives on...