A rapidly growing topic of great interest is the adaptation of benchtop analytical instrumentation for use in outdoor harsh environments. Some of the areas that stand to benefit from field instrumentation development include government agencies involved with the preservation of the environment and institutions responsible for the safety of the general public. Detection systems are at the forefront of the miniaturization movement as the interest in analyte identification and quantitation appears to only be accessible through the use of analytical instrumentation. Mass spectrometry is a distinguished analytical technique known for its ability to detect the mass-to-charge (m/z) ratios of gas-phase ions of interest. Although these systems have been routinely limited to research lab-based analysis, there has been considerable development of miniaturized and portable mass spectrometry systems. Membrane Inlet Mass Spectrometry (MIMS) is becoming a common method of sample introduction that is subject to significant development. MIMS allows for minimal sample preparation, continuous sampling, and excludes complicated analyte introduction techniques. Sampling is accomplished using a semipermeable membrane that allows selective analyte passage into the vacuum of the mass spectrometer. MIMS is becoming the preeminent choice of homeland security and environmental monitoring applications with increasing opportunities for the future development of specialized systems. The steadfast development of miniaturized mass spectrometry systems with efficient operation capabilities for a variety of applications gives promise to the further development of MIMS technology as well as other analytical instrumentation.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The need for a well thought out, planned, and rehearsed command and control organization to conduct special operations in the US Northern Command Area of Responsibility is vital to success in defending the Homeland. Currently, USNORTHCOM does not have an apportioned or assigned command and control structure for the conduct of special operations. This thesis analyzes three courses of action to fulfill this requirement: use the current USNORTHCOM battle staff command structure including the integration of the Standing Joint Force Headquarters-North; rely on the newly formed US Special Operations Command's Joint Task Force Structures; and establish a Theater Special Operations Command North assigned to USNORTHCOM. Through the conduct of analysis and research this thesis recommends that The Joint Staff direct the reorganization required to establish a Theater Special Operations Command North to exercise command and control of special operations forces conducting operations in the USNORTHCOM AOR. / Lieutenant Colonel, United States Army

One of the major analytical shortcomings regularly made by EU and NATO experts today lies with exclusively seeing the European defence project as a post-World War II (WWII) phenomenon and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as mainly a post-Cold War product. No analyst has so far seriously explored the idea of European defence predating WWII and the 20th century. Instead, since 1999 one frequently reads and hears about the ‘anomalous,’ ‘elusive’ CSDP suddenly complicating transatlantic relations. But the CSDP is hardly an oddity or aberration, and it is certainly not as mysterious as some might suggest. Drawing extensively from primary sources and predicated on an overarching evolutionist approach, this thesis shows that the present CSDP is an ephemeral security and defence concept, only the latest of its kind and full of potential. Drawing its deepest ideational roots from the (pre-)Enlightenment era, the CSDP leads to a pan-European defence almost irreversibly. A common defence for Europe is quite possible and, due to the growing impact of the exogenous (multipolar) momentum, can be realized sooner rather than later even without a full-fledged European federation. / May 2016

O trabalho ora apresentado versa a respeito do delicado problema dos sistemas de emergência. A tese objetiva demonstrar, num primeiro momento, o quanto a legislação de emergência pátria está defasada e com pouca chance de êxito na hipótese do Brasil ser acometido por uma crise de grandes proporções. E, diante desse cenário, propor um novo sistema constitucional de crise. Inicia-se a tese abordando os precedentes históricos das medidas de emergência, seus tipos e suas classificações. No segundo capítulo, explora-se as medidas de emergência previstas no direito brasileiro. Na terceira parte do trabalho, são analisados os estudos de autores clássicos referentes aos problemas da defesa da ordem constitucional. Analisa-se também o trabalho do Professor de Direito e Ciência Politica na Universidade de Yale Bruce Ackerman. No quarto capítulo são investigados os pontos positivos e negativos dos diferentes instrumentos de exceção existentes, fundados impreterivelmente na concentração de plenos poderes nas mãos do Executivo. No derradeiro capítulo da tese é apresentado um novo modelo de sistema constitucional de crise para o Brasil. Trata-se da instituição de uma espécie de conselho, formado a partir da indicação dos chefes dos três poderes do Estado, que se reuniria nos momentos de tempestades institucionais para decidir, conjuntamente, a respeito das providências de exceção a serem adotadas. A fórmula constitucional proposta se consubstancia num instituto tripartite, ou seja, numa aliança de três pessoas. É uma solução político-institucional inovadora e desenvolvida com vistas a aparar a maior parte das deficiências e inconveniências da vigente técnica de defesa brasileira. Denomina-se triunvirato de emergência. / The work here presented is about the delicate problem of the emergency systems. The thesis aims to demonstrate, at a first, how much the homelands emergency system is outdated and with little chance of success in the case of Brazil being affected by a major crisis. And, with this scenario in mind, propose a new constitutional crisis system. The thesis starts by addressing the historical precedents of the emergency measures, their types and their classifications. The second chapter explores the emergency measures provided for in Brazilian law. In the third part of the work, the studies of classical authors referring to the problems of constitutional order defense are analyzed. It also examines the work of Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University Bruce Ackerman. In the fourth chapter the strengths and weaknesses of the existing different instruments of exception are investigated, founded imperatively in the concentration of full powers in the hands of the Executive. In the final chapter of the thesis a new constitutional crisis system model for Brazil is presented. It is about the institution of a kind of council, formed from the indication of the heads of the three branches of government, which would meet in times of institutional storms to decide, jointly, about the exception steps to be taken. The proposed constitutional formula is embodied in a tripartite institute, meaning an alliance of three people. It is an innovative political-institutional solution and developed in order to trim most of the deficiencies and drawbacks of the current Brazilian defense technique. It is called \"emergency triumvirate\".

Les Etats-Unis et le Canada sont confrontés au problème de l’immigration illégale. Pour endiguer le phénomène clandestin, les deux Etats ont recours à la régularisation des sans-papiers sur leur territoire en 1973 [Programme de Rectification du Statut, au Canada] et 1986 [Immigration Reform and Control Act aux Etats-Unis d’Amérique]. Quelle est la portée de la politique de régularisation et les enjeux de l’immigration aux Etats-Unis et au Canada ? / The United States of America [Immigration Reform and Control Act, 1986] and Canada [Adjustment of Status Program, 1973] resorted to amnesty in order to curb the growing complexities of illegal immigration. What was the impact of the legalization program, and the stakes relating to immigration in the United States and Canada ?

Thesis (M. of Military Art and Science)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. / "A thesis presented to the Faculty of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Military Art and Science, General Studies." Title from cover page of PDF file (viewed: May 29, 2008).

O trabalho ora apresentado versa a respeito do delicado problema dos sistemas de emergência. A tese objetiva demonstrar, num primeiro momento, o quanto a legislação de emergência pátria está defasada e com pouca chance de êxito na hipótese do Brasil ser acometido por uma crise de grandes proporções. E, diante desse cenário, propor um novo sistema constitucional de crise. Inicia-se a tese abordando os precedentes históricos das medidas de emergência, seus tipos e suas classificações. No segundo capítulo, explora-se as medidas de emergência previstas no direito brasileiro. Na terceira parte do trabalho, são analisados os estudos de autores clássicos referentes aos problemas da defesa da ordem constitucional. Analisa-se também o trabalho do Professor de Direito e Ciência Politica na Universidade de Yale Bruce Ackerman. No quarto capítulo são investigados os pontos positivos e negativos dos diferentes instrumentos de exceção existentes, fundados impreterivelmente na concentração de plenos poderes nas mãos do Executivo. No derradeiro capítulo da tese é apresentado um novo modelo de sistema constitucional de crise para o Brasil. Trata-se da instituição de uma espécie de conselho, formado a partir da indicação dos chefes dos três poderes do Estado, que se reuniria nos momentos de tempestades institucionais para decidir, conjuntamente, a respeito das providências de exceção a serem adotadas. A fórmula constitucional proposta se consubstancia num instituto tripartite, ou seja, numa aliança de três pessoas. É uma solução político-institucional inovadora e desenvolvida com vistas a aparar a maior parte das deficiências e inconveniências da vigente técnica de defesa brasileira. Denomina-se triunvirato de emergência. / The work here presented is about the delicate problem of the emergency systems. The thesis aims to demonstrate, at a first, how much the homelands emergency system is outdated and with little chance of success in the case of Brazil being affected by a major crisis. And, with this scenario in mind, propose a new constitutional crisis system. The thesis starts by addressing the historical precedents of the emergency measures, their types and their classifications. The second chapter explores the emergency measures provided for in Brazilian law. In the third part of the work, the studies of classical authors referring to the problems of constitutional order defense are analyzed. It also examines the work of Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University Bruce Ackerman. In the fourth chapter the strengths and weaknesses of the existing different instruments of exception are investigated, founded imperatively in the concentration of full powers in the hands of the Executive. In the final chapter of the thesis a new constitutional crisis system model for Brazil is presented. It is about the institution of a kind of council, formed from the indication of the heads of the three branches of government, which would meet in times of institutional storms to decide, jointly, about the exception steps to be taken. The proposed constitutional formula is embodied in a tripartite institute, meaning an alliance of three people. It is an innovative political-institutional solution and developed in order to trim most of the deficiencies and drawbacks of the current Brazilian defense technique. It is called \"emergency triumvirate\".

Confronté à sa propre violence, voire aux forces de la nature, l’homme n’a cessé d’exprimer un besoin, celui d’être rassuré et protégé. Ainsi le droit à la sécurité est dès la création des sociétés organisées un principe primordial de leur existence. Depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 la question de la sécurité préoccupe fortement l’actualité politico-médiatique. La mise en place de politiques de sécurité performantes est un objectif qui excite les foules, un facteur qui renforce l’exécutif. Cet objectif est caractérisé comme « besoin social impérieux ». Toutefois sur le plan purement textuel le droit à la sécurité n’apparaît pas d’une façon explicite comme norme constitutionnelle. La sécurité usant des techniques les plus avancées exige, sur le plan juridique, une adaptation du droit à l’ère numérique. Les systèmes de vidéosurveillance, les téléphones portables, la toile et les fichiers automatisés constituent les nouvelles armes de l’appareil policier. A ce titre le traitement des données représente le noyau dur des nouvelles orientations de sécurité. Toutefois l’utilisation des nouvelles technologies pour des raisons liées au maintien du bon ordre nécessite également un autre devoir: le respect des libertés fondamentales préoccupation manifeste du droit. Pour autant, la surestimation des politiques de sécurité et la prolifération des mesures sécuritaires sont susceptibles d’entraîner une certaine dégradation ou un affaiblissement du droit à la protection des données principe fondamental du droit de l’UE dès l’adoption du traité de Lisbonne. Face à ce défi, le droit cherche un juste équilibre entre vie privée et sécurité. Certes, l’équation est ancienne, mais ses modes de résolutions évoluent en raison des innovations technologiques, qui se rient des frontières et mettent à mal le principe de souveraineté territorial inhérent à l’Etat. Les droits nationaux, supportent également mal cette abolition des frontières. La comparaison, des ordres juridiques grecs et français, avec certes leurs différences, en sont de belles illustrations notamment dans le cadre de l’UE où la sécurité nationale en demeurant de la seule responsabilité des Etats membres crée des disparités entre les législations nationales. Dans cet environnement les AAI de protection des données des pays comparés se trouvent à la marge, captives dans des cadres juridiques précis. Seule le juge reste pour faire le contrepoids face aux abus des services policiers. Dans l’état actuel des traités constitutifs, la protection des données traitées à des fins policières par la juridiction luxembourgeoise est impossible. Ainsi la Cour EDH constitue la seule juridiction européenne dotée d’opérer une conciliation des deux exigences fondamentales: maintien de l’ordre public et protection des données. En effet, elle n’exerce qu’un contrôle de proportionnalité des mesures appliquées. Ainsi, l’établissement d’un juste équilibre au moins au sein de l’UE conduit in fine le droit à s’orienter vers la mise en œuvre d’une approche unique des politiques de sécurité à travers d’une éventuelle révision des traités. / Confronted by his own violence and the forces of nature, man has consistently expressed the need to be protected. Since the creation of organized societies, the right of security has been a fundamental principle of his existence. Since the attacks of September 11th, 2001, the question of security is being brought up constantly in the media. The implementation of effective security policies is an exciting objective, a factor that strengthens the executive power. This objective has been characterized as a "pressing social need". However, in the purely textual level, the right of security does not appear explicitly as a constitutional norm. Security using the most advanced techniques requires, legally, the adaptation of law to the digital era. CCTV systems, mobile phones, the word-wide-web and automatic archiving constitute the new weapons of the police apparatus. As such, data processing forms the core of the new security guidelines. Nevertheless, using new technologies for reasons related to the maintenance of public order also requires another duty: respect for fundamental freedoms, law's obvious concern. However, the overestimation of security policies and the proliferation of security measures may cause some degradation and loss of the right of data protection, a fundamental principle of EU law since the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty. Faced with this challenge, law seeks the right balance between privacy and security. Of course, the equation is old, but the ways to solve it evolve due to technological advances that laugh at borders and undermine the state's inherent principle of territorial sovereignty. National laws also handle poorly the abolition of frontiers. Comparison between Greek and French legal systems, albeit with their differences, is a beautiful illustration of this fact, notably within the EU where national security, remaining the sole responsibility of the member states, creates disparities between national laws. In this environment the Independent Administrative Authorities of data protection of the compared countries remain at the margin, trapped in specific legal frameworks. Only the judge remains to the counterweight police abuse. In the current state of the constitutive treaties, protection of processed data for police purposes by the Luxembourg court is impossible. And the ECHR is the only european court capable of providing a balance between the two basic requirements: maintenance of public order and data protection. Indeed, it only exercises a proportionality test of the applied measures. Thus, establishment of a balance at least within the EU ultimately leads law towards the implementation of a unique approach to security policies through a possible revision of the Treaties.

Living the vast majority of my life in an area that celebrates diversity but thrives because of illegal cross-border activities (undocumented workers, drug imports) at times the distance between the United States and Mexico is in fact as thin as the width of a fence. Though it is typical for a filmmaker to hope to present a unique take on a subject, given how I have seen the topics of immigration and the perspective of the purpose of homeland security portray, I am confident that there is an opportunity to show these issues in a more personal, less aggressive light with the use of first person accounts instead of a dependence on the most violent aspects of these topics. The main subject will give character to this agency by blurring the lines of his life as an agent and as a citizen.

(English) The aim of this dissertation is to answer the question of whether the U.S. security policy is influenced by the threat of cyber terrorism. The dissertation is divided into chapters that can be regarded as steps in a logical reasoning process. In the first chapter, cyber space is introduced and described to illustrate its importance and complexity. The next chapter analytically compares various definitions of terrorism, and partially rejects the initial hypothesis that cyber terrorism is not included in the general definition of terrorism. The following chapter statistically analyzes the available data on terrorist groups and terrorist attacks to empirically confirm the hypothesis that terrorism is still a real threat to American security. The analysis actually proves that the threat of terrorism has not decreased in relation to the number of terrorist groups. It also shows that the number of terrorist attacks against the U.S. targets has significantly decreased in the United States, while terrorist actions have been increasing constantly on a global level. The analysis shows that the success rate of terrorists attacks does not form a time series, and therefore each terrorist attack has to be examined individually to assess its success probability. The following analysis reviews the...