<p>”The new labour party? A study of the labor-market policy ideas of the Moderata samlingspartiet and their ideological change”</p><p>Thesis in Political Science (C-level) at Karlstad University by</p><p>Jenny Ljung, Fall 2006</p><p>Tutor: Susan Marton</p><p>The labour-market policy of the Swedish Moderaterna may have undergone changes in the liberal ideology. During the election the year 1991 Moderaterna focused upon questions that concerned the economic growth and the free market. In the election at year 2006 Moderaterna appointed themselves as “the new labour party” and were called social liberals by several critiques. The statement by the liberal think-tank Timbro’s head Maria Rankkas in the fall 2006 “the Moderaterna have never been neo-liberals” made me wonder if this was true or not and if Timbro’s foundation in the liberal ideology were close to Moderaterna´s or not.</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether an ideological change has occurred in the labours-market policy of the Moderaterna, and if the then has become more social liberal than neo-liberal compared to the election 1991 and to the think-tank Timbro.</p><p>The main research-question, which I intend to answer, is:</p><p>• In what way has the labour-market policy of the Moderaterna changed relative to their ideological foundation in the liberal ideology?</p><p>To be able to answer the main question I also have two precise research questions that I intend to answer:</p><p>• Has the labour-market policy of the Moderaterna gone from neo-liberal foundation to the benefit of social liberal foundation, compared to the liberal think-thank Timbro?</p><p>• How does Moderaterna versus Timbro argue in their publications about the labour-market policy during the early 90`s and the year 2006?</p><p>The material from Moderaterna that I have chosen to study the government’s declarations, the manifestos from the elections and the political platform. The material from Timbro includes articles about labour-market policy from Timbro’s website. The research method I used is the ideological text analysis.</p><p>After analyzing the material I present an answer to the main research question: The Moderaterna has changed in their ideological foundation in the liberal ideology and have become more social liberal than before.</p><p>Notice that I say more social liberal. They still have traces from neo-liberalism but are far more social liberal in their labour-market policy in 2006 than 1991.</p>

<p>The main purpose of this essay is to look closer at how and when the Swedish women’s organization Grupp 8 changed their initial socialistic ideological approach and turned it into a feministic one during 1971 to 1979. By 1979 the group was referring to them self as a feministic movement. This is done by analyzing the way Grupp 8: s discussion in the areas of women in relation to work, family and society changes. The primary information is represented by the groups own magazine Kvinnobulletinen. The essay shows that they underwent a change in their ideology which occurred already in 1976 when they moved closer to not only a more feministic terminology, but also gave problems that where in many ways only related to women more room than problems referring to class. They still showed resistance against the capitalistic society but now they added a new dimension for what they believed stood as the reasons for the oppression of women, the patriarchate. In 1976 they had made a hesitated move towards a new ideological alignment. By 1979 it is clear that there has been a change when by far most of the reasoning around class oppression has been exchange with oppression on women and the emancipation of women.</p>

The main purpose of this essay is to look closer at how and when the Swedish women’s organization Grupp 8 changed their initial socialistic ideological approach and turned it into a feministic one during 1971 to 1979. By 1979 the group was referring to them self as a feministic movement. This is done by analyzing the way Grupp 8: s discussion in the areas of women in relation to work, family and society changes. The primary information is represented by the groups own magazine Kvinnobulletinen. The essay shows that they underwent a change in their ideology which occurred already in 1976 when they moved closer to not only a more feministic terminology, but also gave problems that where in many ways only related to women more room than problems referring to class. They still showed resistance against the capitalistic society but now they added a new dimension for what they believed stood as the reasons for the oppression of women, the patriarchate. In 1976 they had made a hesitated move towards a new ideological alignment. By 1979 it is clear that there has been a change when by far most of the reasoning around class oppression has been exchange with oppression on women and the emancipation of women.

This paper utilizes a combination of quantitative text analysis and idea analysis to examine the Swedish Social Democratic Party’s election manifestos. The analysis is conducted from the ideological perspective of reformist socialism where an ideal type of ideological perspective is created and operationalized through quantitative text analysis, identifying frequencies of key ideological expressions. The primary objective of the paper is to comprehensively examine ideological changes within the party during the 21st century. The findings suggest a decreasing ideological stance between 2002-2010 and an increasing ideological stance for 2014 and 2022, however, the results for 2014 cannot be substantiated. Additionally, the paper highlights the party’s consistent ideological focus on education, welfare policies, equality, and inequality. But, despite the persistent concern over growing inequality, there has been a comparatively lesser emphasis on ideological expressions aimed at tackling the issue and there have also been surprisingly few ideological expressions addressing class struggle. Notable ideological shifts include the disappearance of expressions related to justice in 2014, an increased emphasis on democratic control in 2022, and a notable rise in ideological expressions arguing for a stronger welfare state. In conclusion, this paper enhances the understanding of ideological dynamics within the Swedish Social Democratic Party, uncovering notable shifts and trends in ideological expressions over time.

Centerpartiet, som är ett av Sveriges riksdagspartier, har länge profilerat sig som liberala och samarbetat i politikens borgerliga allians. Från 2010 har det politiska läget i Sverige genomgått stora politiska förändringar vilket gjort att Centerpartiet idag verkar i den ’breda mitten’ och profilerar sig med en ‘mittenidentitet’. Huruvida denna turbulenta tid påverkat partiets ideologiska förändringar har därför undersökts i denna studie. Syftet som ligger till grund för studien är att studera ideologisk förändring för Centerpartiet under en politiskt turbulent tid. Den teoretiska ansatsen utgår från Marie Demkers teori om ideologisk förändring samt tre idealtyper av ideologierna konservatism, socialliberalism samt nyliberalism. Den valda metoden är kvalitativ ideologianalys, med detta menas att utvalda valmanifest kommer att läsas och innehållet kommer att tolkas och kategoriseras utifrån ett analysverktyg. I det aktuella fallet är analysverktyget en tabell som utgår från de ovan nämnda idealtyper kombinerat med definitionen av begreppen frihet, människosyn, ekonomiskt system, individ/samhälle och offentligt/privat. Valmanifesten läses i sin helhet och innehållet kategoriseras in i tabellen för att kartlägga ideologin. Genom att analysera resultatet kan en slutsats om eventuell ideologisk förändring dras. I studiens fall visade resultatet att Centerpartiet inte har genomgått någon ideologisk förändring, partiet har bedrivit en socialliberal politik från 2010 till 2022.

”The new labour party? A study of the labor-market policy ideas of the Moderata samlingspartiet and their ideological change” Thesis in Political Science (C-level) at Karlstad University by Jenny Ljung, Fall 2006 Tutor: Susan Marton The labour-market policy of the Swedish Moderaterna may have undergone changes in the liberal ideology. During the election the year 1991 Moderaterna focused upon questions that concerned the economic growth and the free market. In the election at year 2006 Moderaterna appointed themselves as “the new labour party” and were called social liberals by several critiques. The statement by the liberal think-tank Timbro’s head Maria Rankkas in the fall 2006 “the Moderaterna have never been neo-liberals” made me wonder if this was true or not and if Timbro’s foundation in the liberal ideology were close to Moderaterna´s or not. The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether an ideological change has occurred in the labours-market policy of the Moderaterna, and if the then has become more social liberal than neo-liberal compared to the election 1991 and to the think-tank Timbro. The main research-question, which I intend to answer, is: • In what way has the labour-market policy of the Moderaterna changed relative to their ideological foundation in the liberal ideology? To be able to answer the main question I also have two precise research questions that I intend to answer: • Has the labour-market policy of the Moderaterna gone from neo-liberal foundation to the benefit of social liberal foundation, compared to the liberal think-thank Timbro? • How does Moderaterna versus Timbro argue in their publications about the labour-market policy during the early 90`s and the year 2006? The material from Moderaterna that I have chosen to study the government’s declarations, the manifestos from the elections and the political platform. The material from Timbro includes articles about labour-market policy from Timbro’s website. The research method I used is the ideological text analysis. After analyzing the material I present an answer to the main research question: The Moderaterna has changed in their ideological foundation in the liberal ideology and have become more social liberal than before. Notice that I say more social liberal. They still have traces from neo-liberalism but are far more social liberal in their labour-market policy in 2006 than 1991.