This thesis describes DREAM Act, a legislative proposal discussed in the US Congress between 2001 and 2011. The Act proposes a pathway to legal citizenship for children of undocumented immigrants. The thesis aims to find whether the children of illegal immigrants should be held accountable and face deportations, even though they were not responsible for entering the U.S. illegally? It also discusses whether implementation of the DREAM Act is a convenient solution of governmental reform of the broken immigration system. The first chapter describes the DREAM Act in greater detail and compares it to the presidential executive order DAPA, a similar program to DREAM Act providing deferred action on deportation for these children. The second chapter focuses on impact of immigrants, their legal consciousness and tells stories of undocumented children who crossed the U.S. border and describes their lives in the U.S. The third chapter's focus is on impact on the U.S. society, mainly discusses the economic potential of the DREAM Act implementation. Last chapter provides an analysis of DREAM Act in the State of New York and activities of undocumented students fighting for its enactment. The thesis concludes that the children should not be punished for decisions of their parents as they bring many benefits for...

The focus of my research is dynamic political economy in macroeconomics. The first chapter of my dissertation studies the fact that Countries in the Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) vary widely in their ratio of capital tax rates to labor tax rates. This chapter’s motivation is the strong negative correlation between the capital/labor tax ratio and old dependency ratio (defined as the ratio of population older than 65 years old to population between 20 and 65 years old) among 21 OECD countries. I study a parsimonious overlapping generations (OLG) majority voting model. In equilibrium, the retired households and relatively old working households hold a large amount of capital and vote for a low capital tax rate (implying a high labor tax rate), while relatively young working households hold a small amount of capital and vote for a high capital tax rate (implying a low labor tax rate). As a result, the model implies that countries with more old people have relatively lower capital taxes. The model takes the old dependency ratio as given and delivers a capital/labor tax ratio chosen by the median voter. The calibrated model presented here can generate not only this negative correlation, but also the tax ratios for the 21 OECD countries studied. In the second chapter, I extend the first chapter and study the Japanese economy and taxation for the past three decades. Population aging is a serious social issue in Japan. This chapter also shows that demographics is an important variable to explain the time series data of capital and labor tax rates. Interestingly, the model predicts that a benevolent or utilitarian government would set a capital tax rate to be zero as in many standard tax models. This result emphasizes the importance of modeling a political economy, as opposed to a standard social planning economy that has been extensively used previously. Finally, the third chapter focuses on US immigration policy. Illegal immigration from Mexico to the United States has been a hot topic to academic researchers and policy makers. This study quantitatively investigates the welfare effects of illegal immigration to native households in the US. More specifically, I simulate the model economy when the government deports every illegal immigrant. The simulation shows that the social welfare increases by 0.01 percent on average, and the poorest households’ welfare increases by 0.1%. Although, initially, there is a decrease in the interest rate and the unemployment rate as well as an increase in the wage, these variables in the no-illegal-immigrant steady state are almost identical to the initial steady state which is calibrated to the US economy. / text

La thèse est une étude du processus de sécurisation de l’immigration clandestine à l’œuvre dans l’Union européenne. Elle s’attache à expliquer la tension, voire la contradiction, existant entre l’ambition et la fermeté du discours européen sur le contrôle de l’immigration illégale, d’une part, et le risque politique intrinsèquement lié à ce choix, d’autre part. La prétention au contrôle des flux migratoires clandestins apparaît en effet largement illusoire tant en raison de l’ampleur et de la nature des flux concernés que de la faiblesse des moyens effectivement mis en œuvre par l’Union européenne. Au départ d’une grille d’analyse s’appuyant sur une lecture critique des approches constructivistes de la sécurité, la politique européenne de lutte contre l’immigration clandestine est interprétée comme étant l’expression d’un « discours de sécurité » forgeant des représentations sociales insécurisantes des migrants clandestins. Cette production sociale du « péril migratoire » est examinée sous l’angle des enjeux de légitimité entourant la création de l’espace européen de liberté, de sécurité et de justice. Dans ce cadre, nous soulignons que la lutte contre l’immigration l’illégale ne peut se réduire à son objectif explicite – la maîtrise des flux – mais qu’elle participe également d’un mécanisme classique de légitimation du corps politique supposant la définition d’une figure menaçante de l’altérité. Le « clandestin » représente dans cette optique un « objet insécurisant » consensuel qui émerge dans le champ européen au terme d’un processus de formation d’une volonté politique fonctionnant sur le mode du plus petit dénominateur commun. Agrégeant les inquiétudes exprimées à l’égard du terrorisme et de la criminalité transnationales mais aussi les préoccupations pour la stabilité économique, sociale et culturelle des sociétés européennes, cette figure permet de rassembler les États membres autour d’un projet sécuritaire commun. Elle contribue de ce fait à l’émergence d’une dynamique de type ami-ennemi reposant sur une opposition croissante entre un « Autre » incarné par le clandestin et un « Nous » qui, à défaut d’être culturellement homogène, se trouve unifié par un sentiment d’insécurité collectivement partagé.

橫亙百餘年之久的俄屬遠東黃禍論已成為某種或然性規律，不但是俄羅斯與中國兩國的兩難困境，更是彼此關係的潛在負面變數。 為此，本研究以理性主義初探當代黃禍何以復萌，繼而再以建構主義反向解構促使其復萌之俄中關係以及俄國內部中央與地方的互動，此雙重觀念結構之身份與利益的聯繫，以揭示黃禍恐懼的本質和深層原因，從而對其發展趨勢進行中長期預測，並由此對應推導命題：跨層次習得轉化，希冀藉此發展出超越時空範疇的一般性通則，而為觀念甚於物質再增添新的研究實例。 研究發現：黃禍論必須在國際面－俄中兩國間的身份認知得到協調，在國內面－俄國內部以及遠東區當地俄人和中國人之間也必須要趨近，黃禍疑懼才有可能消弭。然而，從黃禍的建構過程可知，俄中兩國的「世代友好，永不為敵」尚未真正到位，俄國內部促成黃禍的離心傾向也仍舊存在。各造屬性若未能調和，黃禍仍將持續地與其所依附存在的雙重結構交錯建構，而其成因亦可能經社會化代代相傳。但遠東區俄人在與中國人互動多年後，其若干特質及行為方面意外地逐漸與中國人趨同，此有可能補足俄國內部欠缺的自下而上建構作用。此外，世代交替亦為俄羅斯再起的希望，俄中兩國的差距若能弭平，黃禍自亦消弭於無形。

This Master Thesis reveals how illegally residing TCN family members of static European Union citizens might get residence rights by relying on EU law; it also distinguishes the existing problems related to residence rights of illegally residing TCNs and proposes theoretical and practical solutions. The first part of the Master Thesis reveals how the EU may protect family rights despite the fact that it has no competence in human rights’ area and discloses what family mebers are being protected in the EU. The second part proves that illegally residing TCNs have possibilities to get residence rights in the EU on the grounds of the protection of their family life by relying on Article 7 of the Charter, the norms of Return directive and the citizenship status of family members – EU citizens. The third part discloses that the case-law of the EUCJ does not ensure for illegally residing TCNs adequate protection of their family life because the practise of the EUCJ in illegally residing TCNs’ cases is too heterogeneous and the Court applies insufficient criteria. Therefore seeking to find out what additional criteria could be applied in illegally residing TCNs’ cases an expert survey has been conducted and a set of criteria, which could be applied in all illegally residing TCNs’ cases related to residence rights, has been suggested. / Magistro baigiamajame darbe išanalizuota, kaip Europos Sąjungos piliečių, nesinaudojančių judėjimo laisve, šeimos nariai – nelegaliai gyvenantys trečiųjų šalių piliečiai – gali gauti teisę gyventi šalyje, remdamiesi Europos Sąjungos teise; darbe išryškintos pagrindinės problemos, susijusios su nelegaliai gyvenančių trečiųjų šalių piliečių teisėmis gyventi šalyje bei pasiūlyti teoriniai bei praktiniai problemų sprendimai. Pirmoje darbo dalyje išaiškinta, kaip Europos Sąjunga gali ginti šeimos teises, nepaisant to, kad ES neturi kompetencijos žmogaus teisių srityje bei atskleista, kokie šeimos nariai yra saugomi Europos Sąjungoje. Antroje dalyje įrodyta, kad, siekant apsaugoti šeimos gyvenimą, nelegaliai gyvenantys trečiųjų šalių piliečiai turi galimybių gauti teisę gyventi šalyje, remdamiesi 7 Chartijos straipsniu, Grąžinimo direktyvos nuostatomis ir Europos Sąjungos piliečių pilietybės statusu. Trečioje dalyje atskleista, kad Europos Sąjungos Teisingumo Teismo praktika neužtikrina nelegaliai gyvenantiems trečiųjų šalių piliečiams tinkamos jų šeimos gyvenimo apsaugos, nes Europos Sąjungos Teisingumo Teismo praktika nelegaliai gyvenančių trečiųjų šalių piliečių bylose yra nevienalytė ir Teismas taiko nepakankamai kriterijų. Todėl, siekant išsiaiškinti, kokie papildomi kriterijai galėtų būti taikomi nelegaliai gyvenančių trečiųjų šalių piliečių bylose, buvo atlikta ekspertų apklausa ir, atsižvelgiant į gautus rezultatus, buvo pasiūlyta kriterijų visuma, kuri galėtų būti taikoma... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Cette thèse s’intéresse aux mobilisations familiales et/ou individuelles pour la réalisation de projets d’immigration clandestine vers l’Europe à partir de la Casamance, une région essentiellement riche du sud du Sénégal. Elle vise à reconstituer les budgets de familles et de candidats à l’immigration à travers une analyse des stratégies et des mécanismes qu’ils mettent en oeuvre pour tenter d’améliorer et/ou de sortir de leur situation. Cette thèse examine également les déterminants qui sont à l'origine des départs, les acteurs impliqués, l’organisation des voyages, le rapport au risque, les itinéraires suivis par les candidats à l’immigration, la place des tontines dans ces voyages, et enfin les politiques de prévention des départs en Casamance et leurs effets sur les migrations en provenance de cette région. Les analyses sont développées à partir d’une approche qualitative articulée essentiellement autour du recueil de récits de vie, de récits de vie croisés, d’entretiens semi-directifs, d’observations, de discussions informelles mais aussi et surtout d’un examen des contextes individuels et collectifs dans lesquels s’inscrivent ces acteurs. Enfin l’examen des mobilisations familiales et individuelles dans l’immigration clandestine et des mobilisations familiales dans l' immigration pour études permet d’introduire une dimension comparative à ce travail. / This thesis is interested in the family and/or individual mobilizations for the realization of projects of illegal immigration towards Europe from the Casamance, a region essentially rich in the South of Senegal. She aims at reconstituting the budgets of families and applicants for immigration through an analysis of the strategies and the mechanisms which they implement to try to improve and/or to go out of their situation. This thesis also examines the determiners which are at the origin of the departures, the implied actors, the organization of the journeys, the relationship at the risk, the routes followed by the candidates, places her tontines in these journeys, and finally the prevention policies of the departures in Casamance and their effects on the migrations from this region. Analyses are developed from a qualitative approach articulated essentially around the collection of narratives of life, crossed narratives of life, semi-directive conversations, observations, informal discussions but also and especially an examination of the individual and collective contexts which join these actors. Finally the examination of the family and individual mobilizations in the illegal immigration and the family mobilizations in the immigration for studies allows to introduce a comparative dimension in this work.

Radko Hokovský Border Security of the Schengen Area from the Perspective of the Public Goods Theory Abstract In the context of increasing illegal immigration to the European Union, doubts arise whether Schengen Area is fit to face this challenge, or whether it needs to be reformed. The aim of this dissertation thesis is to clarify questions surrounding functionality of the Border Security System of the Schengen Area by applying the theory of public goods. The main inquiry of the thesis is, whether it is necessary to further strengthen the EU competences in order to improve the functioning of the Schengen Border Security System (SBSS). First, a model of an ideal- type border security system is constructed in order to identify core functions of border security in relation to protection from illegal immigration: (a) deterrence of illegal immigrants, (b) prevention of illegal border crossings, (c) interdiction of illegal immigrants, (d) apprehension of illegal immigrants, (e) apprehension of illegal residents, and (f) removal of illegal population. Second, theory of public goods is introduced as an analytical framework, which allows to identify possible solutions to collective action problems associated with production of public goods such as security in transnational contexts comparable to the EU. Third, the...

This Master's thesis is analyzing the media portrait of Mexican president Enrique Peña Nieto in two American newspapers - The New York Times and Los Angeles Times. In this thesis, you can find the quantitative and the qualitative analysis of the image of Mexican president in the newspapers since his election in 2012 until the end of 2017. Peña Nieto is a member of Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) which was in power from 1929 till 2000. Peña Nieto is the first president after 12 years break who brought this party back to power. American presidential elections also took place during his administration and Barack Obama was replaced by Donald Trump. The thesis focus on three topics which are for many years the most critical parts of the U.S.-Mexican relationship: illegal immigration, the war on drugs and NAFTA. The analysis shows that Peña Nieto's image is portrayed in two opposite ways depends on the topic. He is presented as a competent leader in the questions of illegal immigration and NAFTA renegotiation. On the other, his leadership failed in the matter of drug issues in Mexico. The analysis also shows that Peña Nieto's image in the NY Times and the LA Times changed after Donald Trump's victory in the presidential elections. The difference of his image between the NY Times and the LA Times...

This study has for its goal to examine whether a new racist prejudice against Mexican illegal immigrants was driving the activities of the minutemen movement operating along the U.S.- Mexico border whose stated goal was to prevent illegal immigrants from entering the country. This work assumes that the old blatant racism is no longer acceptable within society but was replaced by a conspicuously color-blind rhetoric, typical of the minutemen movement, that might harbor a new racist prejudice. New racism does not put forth a race defined biologically but understands the white and non-white races conceptually. It thus contributes to the maintenance of the white-black dichotomy within society and more importantly to the discrimination and exclusion of the non-white races. In order to disclose a possible racist prejudice, this study conducts a Critical Discourse Analysis of the minutemen's discourse. Results of this analysis show that especially the focus on the notion of law and order, so typical of the discourse, is hugely misleading and that under this seemingly color-blind reasoning, there is, indeed, a hidden expression of the new racist prejudice.

Suite à la croissance du phénomène migratoire clandestin, la prise de conscience publique et officielle de ce phénomène et du trafic des migrants est évidente. En conséquence, la signature du Protocole de l‘ONU contre le trafic de migrants et l‘adoption d‘une directive et d‘une décision-cadre au niveau européen sont conçues pour faire face à ceux qui profitent de ce phénomène, à savoir les trafiquants. Le droit français quant à lui, a accru la répression contre les tierces personnes impliquées, de près ou de loin, dans les activités clandestines de l‘immigration. Malgré l‘objectif affiché par ledit Protocole de « lutte contre le trafic illicite de migrants », les mesures adoptées et la large liberté laissée aux États membres, indiquent clairement le vrai but de cet instrument international, à savoir la lutte contre l‘immigration clandestine elle-même, but qui est le même pour l‘UE. Mais quel est le statut accordé par le protocole et par les dispositions européennes ainsi que françaises aux migrants qui font appel aux services des passeurs ? À travers cette étude nous pouvons entrevoir que la formulation des dispositions du Protocole et celle des dispositions européennes visent à n‘assurer aucun statut juridique aux migrants clandestins. Il n‘y a pas de statut juridique, ni victime, ni coupable, le migrant est en détresse. En revanche, en droit français, le migrant clandestin n‘est presque jamais regardé comme un homme, mais plutôt comme un délinquant. Le législateur français a choisi la loi pénale face à ces migrants. Cependant, les sanctions et la sévérité ne pourront rien contre un homme torturé, affamé, méprisé dans son pays. La loi pénale, à elle seule, ne permettra sans doute pas d‘apporter une solution. La préservation de l‘équilibre nécessairement fragile entre le respect de la liberté individuelle et le maintien de l‘ordre public est rarement prise en considération. En revanche les considérations économiques ont justifié une plus grande rigueur à l‘encontre des clandestins, au niveau de leur entrée, de leur séjour. / As a result of the ever increasing illegal migration phenomenon, Public opinion and officials are now clearly aware of it and of the trafficking involved. Therefore, the signing of the UN Protocole against the smuggling of migrants and the adoption of a directive together with a decision framework at European level are tailor made to fight against the traffickers taking advantage of this phenomenon. French law, as it is concerned, has increased repression against whoever might be involved in this clandestine smuggling and trafficking. Despite the objective stated in the, so called, Protocol of ―fighting against the smuggling of migrants‖ The measures adopted and the large freedom given to the members states, clearly indicate that the true purpose of this international instrument is indeed the same as the E.U‘s that is to say : fighting against illegal immigration. But what is the status granted by the protocol and the European as well as French provisions to the migrants who use the services of smugglers? All through this study we can see that the formulations of the provisions of the protocol and that of the European provisions are intended to ensure that no legal status is granted to clandestine migrants. As far as they are concerned they have no legal status so there is no victim and no offender: a clandestine migrant is just in distress. However in the French law a clandestine migrant is seen as an offender but not as a man in distress. The French parliament has chosen to enforce criminal law against these migrants but, will this stop migrants who are tortured, despised and starving in their country of origin? Choosing to see them only as offenders won‘t probably bring any solution to the problem. The necessary preservation of the delicate balance between respect for individual freedom and the maintenance of public order is rarely taken into consideration. However economic considerations justify rigour againt illegal immigrants concerning who is allowed to enter the country and how long they will be allowed to stay.