Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / Man has always created legends and myths for himself, and historians have only recently concerned themselves with the history of these legends. They can be a potent force. This thesis examines the mythology of imperialism: what the average literate Englishman at home thought imperialism was all about, and how he was led to think so. Webster defines "myth" as a story to explain some practice, belief, institution, or natural phenomenon. Imperial mythology is here used to mean a set of firmly- believed ideals and stories which explained, justified, and to a certain extent, qualified, the practice of imperialism. The mythology of imperialism consisted of three major elements--racial, religious, and heroic--and a host of minor ones. The racial concepts of the nineteenth century were confused and "unscientific," as we should call them. The word "race" was used interchangeably with--and usually in preference to--"nationality." People attributed to race a whole set of social and moral traits which were not demonstrably genetic in origin. Thus, it was assumed that the English were predominantly "Anglo-Saxon" with some "Celtic" strains. To the Anglo-Saxon was attributed a love of order and punctuality, and a skill with ships, justice, freedom, and parliamentary government. The Celt was supposed to be fiery, temperamental, unreliable, and poetic, but incompetent. The Englishman also had firm ideas about the rest of mankind. He constructed a graded hierarchy of color, and a linked hierarchy of moral and mental characteristics. The Indian was on a higher plane than the Zulu, but lower than the Boer. And seated at the peak, of course, was the Anglo-Saxon who, because of his eminence, was entitled to assume responsibility for the rest of the world. The religious myth, with roots in the evangelical movement, culminated in an elaborate cult of moral responsibility for the unfortunate. England's religious mission was to educate her subject peoples, and to teach them the arts of civilized life and self-government. The task involved work and self-sacrifice, but it was her Duty, and she should expect no reward but a heavenly one. Just as Britain often likened herself politically to Rome, she thought of herself as Israel's spiritual successor. Finally, there was the ideal of the hero. In a curious way, the Victorian cult of the hero was like a microcosm of nationalism. The characteristic individualism of the nineteenth century tended to glorify the adventurer, whose prowess, courage, and self-reliance had an undeniable appeal, particularly as the circumstances of modern industrial life removed the ideal from the grasp of the ordinary man. The hero was made to personify those qualities most cherished in the national self-image. The empire became a kind of stage for heroic action, and the heroes the representatives of the best of English culture. The thesis examines the role of these myths and their attendant symbols and slogans in the self-image of British imperialism. The sources used have been chiefly literary and journalistic ones. Other writers have searched political speeches and memoirs for evidence of imperial policy and attitudes, but novels, poetry, sermons, and newspapers have been curiously neglected. These sources were important myth-makers. The advent of "modern Journalism," with its techniques of mass media, meant that a greater public was exposed to the imperial ideal. Greater literacy and more leisure for reading meant a wider audience for novels and poetry, and a consequent inculcation of the imperial myth. / 2031-01-01

MA, Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, 1995

Depuis l’Antiquité, l’expérience politique assyrienne (XIVème - VIIème siècles av. J.-C.) a été définie comme un « Empire ». Les sources classiques et bibliques ont créé une image historiographique des Assyriens caractérisée par une violence militariste, par une sexualité excessive et par un urbanisme exagéré. En plus, la théorie de la translatio imperii identifiait dans l’Empire assyrien le premier Empire de l’histoire. À partir du milieu du XIXème siècle la découverte des vestiges des villes royales en Mésopotamie du Nord et surtout des bas-reliefs, qui ornaient les palais royaux, a donné accès à une quantité d’informations directes sur les Assyriens. L’interprétation historiographique de ces données a eu comme modèle l’Empire romain, déjà bien connu par les savants. Le déchiffrement du système cunéiforme et la lecture des sources écrites assyriennes qui en a suivi a certifié l’image impériale puissante et militariste suggérée par les sources anciennes. À partir de cette époque et jusqu’à nos jours, les informations concernant les Assyriens ont augmentées constamment. En même temps, le travail d’interprétation historiographique a été influencé tant par les différentes doctrines économiques et politiques, que par les intérêts des nations qui finançaient les recherches. Pour décrire l’expérience politique assyrienne ont été employées par les Assyriologues des catégories typiquement modernes, telles que l’impérialisme et le colonialisme, ou plus récemment, la globalisation. L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est de reconstruire le cheminement épistémologique du concept d’« Empire assyrien », avec une attention spécifique à l’apport de la recherche archéologique en Mésopotamie du Nord. / Since the Antiquity the political experience of the Assyrians has been defined as an “Empire”. Biblical and ancient sources have created a historiographical image of the Assyrians, which was characterized by military violence, an excessive sexuality and an exaggerated urbanism. Moreover, following the theory of the translatio imperii, the Assyrian Empire should have been the first empire of history. Starting from the middle of the XIX century the discovering of the vestiges of the royal cities in the north of Mesopotamia, and especially of the bas reliefs which adorned the royal palaces, gave access to an enormous quantity of direct information about the Assyrians. The historiographical model which was employed in order to interpret this data was the roman empire, which was already very well-known by scholars. The deciphering of the cuneiform system and the consequent possibility of accessing to Assyrian written sources certified the powerful and militaristic image suggested by the ancient sources. Since that period and during the next excavations up until today, the information about the Assyrians has constantly increased. At the same time the work of historical interpretation has been influenced not only by the different economic and political theories but also by the interests of the nations which financed the researches. In order to try to understand the Assyrian political experience, typically modern categories have been employed by Assyriologists, such as imperialism and colonialism, or more recently the globalization. The aim of this doctoral thesis consists in reconstructing the epistemological course of the concept of “Assyrian Empire”, with a specific attention to the contribution of archaeological researches in the Northern Mesopotamia.

Thesis advisor: Rosemarie Bodenheimer / This dissertation considers England's imperial rivalry with France and its influence on literary production in the long nineteenth century. It offers a new context for the study of British imperialism by examining the ways in which mid-Victorian novels responded to and were shaped by the threat of French imperialism. It studies three canonical Victorian novels: William Thackeray's Vanity Fair (1846-1848), Charlotte Brontë's Villette (1853) and Charles Dickens's A Tale of Two Cities (1859), and argues that even though these texts deal very lightly with the British colonies and feature very few colonial figures, they are still very much "about empire" because they are informed by British anxieties regarding French imperialism. Revolutionary Narratives links each novel to a contemporary political crisis between England and France, and it argues that each novelist turns back to the Revolutionary period in response to and as a means to process a modern threat from France. This project also explains why Thackeray, Brontë and Dickens would return specifically to Revolutionary history in response to a French imperial threat. Its first chapter traces the ways in which "Revolutionary narratives," stories about how the 1789 French Revolution had changed the world, came to inform and to lend urgency to England and France's global, imperial rivalry through their deployment in abolitionist writings in both countries. Abolitionist tracts helped to fuse an association between "empire" and "Revolution" in the Romantic period, and recognizing this helps us to understand why Victorian writers would use Revolutionary narratives in response to imperial crisis. However, this dissertation ultimately asserts that Vanity Fair, Villette and A Tale of Two Cities revive Revolutionary history in order to write against it and to lament its primacy in popular discourse. In the mid nineteenth century, public discussion in England and France tended to return quickly to the history of the Revolutionary period in order to contextualize new political drama between the two countries. This meant that history often seemed to be repeating itself when it came to England and France's rivalry. Thackeray, Brontë and Dickens use Revolutionary history in their novels as a way to react against this popular use of history and in an effort to imagine a new path forward for England and France, one not burdened by the weight of the past. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: English.

Thesis advisor: Christopher P. Wilson / Witnessing Empire is a cultural history of the American war correspondent. I trace the figure through various points of crisis in the making of U.S. sovereignty including the U.S.-Mexico War, the Civil War, and the Spanish-American War. Locating correspondents like Herman Melville, Richard Harding Davis, and Stephen Crane in what Mary Louise Pratt terms "contact zones"--areas of cross-cultural exchange and contest--I show in this interdisciplinary work how the figure emerged through confronting U.S. state power with "on the spot" visual and textual witness accounts of the violence entailed by that power in a period of territorial expansion across the hemisphere, mass media development, and renewed aesthetic challenges to representing war. Revising critical appraisals of U.S. empire, including those of Amy Kaplan, that argue that the war correspondent is simply an apologist for U.S. imperialism through a facile use of romance, realism, spectacle, and sensationalism, I argue that the figure carves out a unique vision via such familiar conventions to unveil the contradictions of U.S. imperialism--particularly, its reliance on a narrative of liberation and protection through conquest. The dissertation thus unveils the correspondent as ambivalent towards this narrative as his witnessed accounts reveal subjects less protected, than abandoned by the state. I argue that through exposing the violence of this abandonment, the correspondent develops a new literary convention that exposes the consequences of modern war. In Chapter 1, I historically situate war correspondence as an emergent form, comparing the writings of the New Orleans-based Picayune war correspondent George Wilkins Kendall, composed on the eve of the U.S.-Mexico War, with Herman Melville's Typee. An unorthodox travel narrative, Typee can be more effectively read as an inaugural work of war correspondence in its challenging of "race war" as a discourse employed to cement state power in the contact zone. Chapter 2 takes up the "on the spot" pencil line drawings of the Civil War "special artists." Comparing these artists' works with the published engravings in the newspapers at the time and the illustrated histories at the turn-of-the-century, I address the visual rhetoric by which war correspondents depicted the crisis of sovereignty entailed by the Civil War. The second half of the dissertation illustrates the emergence of war correspondence as a unique aesthetic form. Chapter 3 looks at how Richard Harding Davis crafts war correspondence as a critique of U.S. imperialism's spectacle-oriented "anti-imperialist" liberation narrative by opposing the production of an "imperial news apparatus" at the turn-of-the-century with the advent of the Spanish-American War. In Chapter 4, I show how Stephen Crane, like Davis, was inspired by the anti-statism and transnationalism of the antebellum filibuster. From his initial experiments in Red Badge of Courage, Crane was focused on the subjectivity of the witness in his correspondence and fiction, ultimately allegorizing the violence of U.S. imperial power and its abandonment of citizens and non-citizens alike in war zone. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: English.

Thesis advisor: Marjorie Howes / This project explores Dracula's many shifting guises and identities, chiefly examining them through an Irish/Mytho-Celtic lens. Among these are Dracula's role as conqueror, mythical Celtic figure, sexual liberator, imperialist, aristocrat, landlord, victim and agent of imperialism. Although Dracula's nature and his portrayal in the novel is often contradictory, this project seeks to acknowledge the contradictions while at the same time pushing beyond them to get at the, for lack of a better phrase, soul of Dracula's character. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: English. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Thesis advisor: Alan Richardson / Burgeoning exotic consumerism in the eighteenth century supplied British consumers with an increasingly material “Orient,” which never seemed so accessible as when it could be physically consumed, in the form of exotic groceries or ingestible substances like opium. My dissertation investigates how the linguistic representation of foreign, ingestible substances – which I call “exotic ingestants” – problematizes such attempts to access or master the Orient by underscoring the gap between literary trope and material thing. In the writings of Oliver Goldsmith, Thomas Moore, Charlotte Brontë, Charles Dickens, and others, exotic ingestion provides a flexible figure through which British authors do not just imagine the Orient, but also critically diagnose the ways in which that Orient functions as a cipher for domestic fears and fantasies. Their texts self-consciously highlight how both consumer practices and discursive representations fetishize, appropriate, or otherwise distort the Oriental “other” in question. A self-reflexive discursive mode, however, does not imply a consistently anti-imperial agenda. The authors in this study interrogate cultural binaries for a range of purposes, but what does remain consistent is that they do so in order to construct, renovate, or re-imagine their own sense of self. Going beyond the models of contamination or domestication that critics usually deploy when considering cultural representations of opium and tea, I investigate scenes of exotic ingestion as dynamic sites of identity formation, where British authors negotiate their national and transnational subjectivities by consciously engaging with constructions of cultural otherness. Each chapter compares two authors to spotlight one distinctive mode of cross-cultural imagination, and the way it plays out through figurations of exotic ingestion. Together, the four chapters trace a historical trajectory. The evolving scene of exotic ingestion offers an exemplary window into Britain’s construction of its own imperial identity, which develops in response to historical events such as the eighteenth-century consumer revolution, the 1851 Great Exhibition, and the Opium Wars with China. The prominently consumerist mode of British imaginations of China explains that rival empire’s particular, though not exclusive, significance to this project. Treating China as a case study but contextualizing it within both Sino-British relations and the Orientalist discursive tradition that emerged out of Britain’s reception of the Arabian Nights, this dissertation contributes to ongoing efforts at relocating British consciousness at the intersection of national, imperial, and global discourses and practices.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo uma análise do filme Nunca aos Domingos (1960), de Jules Dassin. Para a realização deste estudo, foi adotado um esquema de observação atenta de cada uma das cenas do filme, incluindo a análise de diversos fotogramas que revelam elementos interessantes não apenas no conteúdo, como também na forma do objeto. Durante o desenvolvimento do estudo, identificou-se o diálogo da obra em questão com outras obras, tais como a tragédia Medeia (431 a.C.), de Eurípedes; a peça Pigmaleão (1913), de George Bernard Shaw; e o filme Stella (1955), de Michael Cacoyannis, dentre outras. Assim, fez-se necessária a apreciação dessas obras, embora de forma menos detalhada. O intuito deste texto é demonstrar como, através de Nunca aos Domingos, Jules Dassin intencionou promover um debate sobre a arte, mais precisamente, o fazer cinematográfico. Também pretendemos demonstrar que o filme encontra na dialética sua principal força organizadora, sempre oferecendo ao menos duas interpretações para um mesmo objeto ou fenômeno. Além disso, identificaremos no filme algumas peculiaridades da Grécia dos anos 1960, tais como aspectos culturais; sua posição enquanto colônia inglesa/estadunidense; e a relação dialética travada entre o desenvolvimento do capitalismo (impulsionado pela Doutrina Truman) e uma estrutura socioeconômica ainda baseada na ruralidade, no escambo e etc. / The aim of the present work is to analyse the film Never on Sunday (1960), directed by Jules Dassin. The chosen methodology includes the alert observation of each one of the films scenes, including the examination of several frames, which reveal interesting elements concerning not only the content, but also the form of the object. During the development of the study, the dialogue of Never on Sunday with other works of art has been identified. The tragedy Medea (431 b.C.), by Euripides; the play Pygmalion (1913), by Bernard Shaw; and the film Stella (1955), by Michael Cacoyannis, are among these. Therefore, they have also been analysed, even though in a less detailed way. The goal of this text is to show how, through Never on Sunday, Jules Dassin attempted to promote a debate about art, more specifically about cinema. We shall also endeavour to demonstrate that the film is organized dialectically, always offering at least two interpretations to the same object or phenomenon. Finally, we will identify in the movie some particularities of Greece in the 1960s, such as some cultural aspects; its position as an English/American colony; and the dialectic relation established between the development of capitalism (reinforced by the Truman Doctrine) and a socioeconomic structure based on agriculture, bartering, etc

A pesquisa que ora se apresenta ocupou-se do debate sobre o imperialismo como modo de ser do capitalismo contemporâneo e sua relação com o espaço urbano olhado a partir da indústria do amianto e, consequentemente, perpassando por temas como trabalho, saúde dos trabalhadores expostos ao amianto e movimentos sociais que defendem o banimento deste mineral. A forma genérica/universal do imperialismo expressa-se concretamente sob formas diversas nos diferentes lugares/partes do mundo. Cada parte anuncia o mundo no lugar e compõe o mosaico de lugares que forma a totalidade social imperialista. Portanto, do ponto de vista do método de interpretação, adota-se a dialética universal-particular refletida no modo pelo qual o imperialismo efetivamente se realiza. Este procedimento analítico coloca o desafio de fazer as reflexões necessárias relacionando teorias e fatos, de modo a identificar e compreender como os processos de ordem geral realizam-se em âmbito particular. E, em contrapartida as teorias e os conceitos, enquanto instrumentos de análise, permitiram que esse particular elucidado iluminasse a generalidade dos processos estudados relativos a exploração do amianto em Minaçu-Goiás. O recorte empírico da pesquisa é a indústria do amianto no que ela tem de mais universal e a cidade de Minaçu em Goiás no que ela tem de particular. A primeira relação entre estes dois fenômenos é justamente o fato de a cidade de Minaçu-GO abrigar a terceira maior mina de amianto do mundo e única da América Latina e do Brasil em atividade. Portanto, a indústria do amianto no Brasil tem sua base nesta pequena cidade do interior do Estado de Goiás à que pouca importância é dada nos mapas. No entanto, a cidade de Minaçu está no centro dos debates sobre os malefícios causados pelo amianto à saúde humana. A pergunta que se faz é: que espaço urbano é esse instituído pela indústria do amianto que domina e controla várias dimensões do viver na cidade de Minaçu-GO? Para tentar responder a esta pergunta propõe-se a tese da urbanização autoritária. / This research starts with the analysis of the Imperialism as a stage of the todays capitalism and goes on the establish its relation with urban space and asbestos mining industry. Other topics connected to the asbestos industry are put together in this study such as: labor, worker`s health condition exposed to asbestos and social movements that defend a ban on asbestos mining and commercial activity. The generic/universal form of the Imperialism express itself concretely in many diverse way in different places/portions of the World. Every single portion reveals the World in that place and compounds the mosaic of places which forms the imperialist social totality.This analytical procedure puts the challenge of making the necessary reflexions with theories and facts in order to identify an understand how general process are translated to particular contexts. By doing so, theories and concepts as analytical tools helped that from a particular case study in light in Minaçu, a more general process regarding asbestos were better apprehended.This research empirical context is the asbestos mining industry in general and the city of Minaçu in Goias State (Brazil) a particular site. The linkage between particular and general is the fact that Minaçu town (GO) is has in its site the third largest asbestos mining ore in the World and the only in activity in Latin America and Brazil. Therefore, the mining industry in Brazil has its base in this small town in Goias countryside. This city is almost unseen in national map. Thats why, Minaçu Town is the center of many debates concerning the risks asbestos causes to human health care. The main question cast here is: what kind of urban space completely dominated by this mining industry was created in Minaçu-GO? In order to address this question this study proposes the theory of authoritarian urbanization.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-10-19T12:00:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Julia Dantas Scramim.pdf: 1003855 bytes, checksum: 1100dce0c17c412b2605ac8daee988bf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-19T12:00:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Julia Dantas Scramim.pdf: 1003855 bytes, checksum: 1100dce0c17c412b2605ac8daee988bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-29 / This work intends to present the totalitarianism and the superfluity of man steamed from it, developed by Hannah Arendt, mainly in her work "The Origins of Totalitarianism". It goes through the historical exposition of the events and phenomena prior to totalitarianism: the antisemitism due to the emancipation and Jew’s assimilation by the European society; and the colonial and continental imperialism. The first one, serving European countries in search of new consumer markets, develops ways of domination (racism and bureaucracy) serving to the ideology and to the totalitarian government; the second one deals with the rise of national movements, as well as the unfeasibility of protecting human rights against the nation-state. It also shows the differentiation among the totalitarian government and other ways of tyranny and dictatorship by the treatment given to the totalitarian leader, by the action of his secret police, the government unusual structure, the ideology based on History's and/or Nature' laws, the terror as a guarantee of application of these laws and by the concentration camps as an experiment of man’s total domination. It also deals with the human's superfluity promoted in totalitarianism by the death of the juridical person, of the moral person and destruction of the individuality and by the complete ruin of the human content / Este trabalho pretende fazer uma apresentação do totalitarismo e da superfluidade dos homens dele decorrente, desenvolvida por Hannah Arendt, prioritariamente em sua obra “Origens do totalitarismo”. Percorre a exposição histórica dos eventos e dos fenômenos anteriores ao totalitarismo: o antissemitismo decorrente da emancipação e da assimilação dos judeus pela sociedade europeia; e o imperialismo colonial e continental. O primeiro, a serviço de países europeus em busca de novos mercados consumidores, desenvolve formas de dominação (racismo e burocracia) que servem à ideologia e ao governo totalitário; e o segundo trata da ascensão dos movimentos nacionalistas, bem como a inviabilidade da proteção dos direitos humanos face ao Estado-nação. Mostra, também, a diferenciação entre o governo totalitário e outras formas de tirania e ditadura através do tratamento dado ao líder totalitário, da ação da sua polícia secreta, da estrutura peculiar do governo, da ideologia baseada nas leis da História e/ou da Natureza, do terror como garantia da aplicação dessas leis e dos campos de concentração como experimento do domínio total do homem. Trata, também, da superfluidade humana promovida no totalitarismo pelas mortes da pessoa jurídica, da pessoa moral e destruição da individualidade e pela dilapidação total dos conteúdos humanos